Lessons in Disaster: McGeorge Bundy and the Path to War in Vietnam
Goldstein has used McGeorge Bundy's notes and a number of detailed interviews to provide a compelling and sympathetic, although hardly uncritical, account of the grave mistakes that were made in the run-up to and during the Vietnam War.
After former U.S. Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara addressed the grave mistakes that were made in the run-up to and during the Vietnam War, McGeorge Bundy, who served as national security adviser to both John F. Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson, wished to do so as well. He hired Goldstein to help him. He died before the project was completed, but Goldstein has used Bundy's notes and a number of detailed interviews to provide a compelling and sympathetic, although hardly uncritical, account of the slide into the morass. Bundy's role is fascinating simply because he was so smart, the man for whom the term "the best and the brightest" was coined. The whole period, and Bundy's role, has already been scrutinized by historians, and so inevitably much of the material is familiar. Bundy was driven by his determination not to have the United States be seen as having lost in Vietnam, which is a poor basis for a military commitment, as much as by any conviction that the United States would win. But the most important conclusion from Goldstein's book is that when it comes to these big decisions, the key is the attitude of the president. Both Kennedy and Johnson are faulted for having failed to explain to the American people what they were up to in Vietnam. The big difference between the two, in Bundy's vivid phrase, was that "Kennedy didn't want to be dumb, but Johnson didn't want to be a coward." That is why Bundy concluded, and Goldstein concurs, that Kennedy would not have ended up with ground troops in Vietnam.
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There is disagreement on the relevance of the Cuban missile crisis to today's world. Either there are many lessons, emphasizing the need for flexibility, precision and caution, or there are none, because the nuclear danger in 1962 was imaginary and represented only a failure to comprehend US military superiority. One can conclude that the crisis should not be dismissed as irrelevant; certain crucial factors have not changed. But there is a need for caution in attempting to read from it simple lessons in crisis management. See also Cohen in 1986:03556
IN the spring of 1964 representatives of more than 110 countries will gather in Geneva for the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development. To say that the less developed countries have high hopes for this event would be the understatement of the year. Again and again at meetings of the Preparatory Committee for the Conference the refrain was that the Conference would be the single most important international event for the less developed countries since the founding of the United Nations. These countries look to the Conference to lay the foundations for a "new international division of labor"; to formulate a new and "dynamic international trade policy"; and, as one representative to the Preparatory Committee recently wrote, to advance the goal of "economic emancipation" from the neo-colonialism implicit in present trade relations between rich and poor countries.

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