European Military Crisis Management: Connecting Ambition and Reality
Giegerich argues in this informative monograph that the EU's achievements are "nowhere near commensurate with [its] stated ambition to be a major global-security actor."
In December 1999, the European Union endorsed a "headline goal" of being able by 2003 to deploy 50,000-60,000 military forces within 60 days and sustain them for at least a year. A few years later, it added a qualitative dimension to that goal, committing to be able by 2010 "to respond with rapid and decisive action" to the full spectrum of crisis-management situations. As that latter deadline approaches, Giegerich argues in this informative monograph, the EU's achievements are "nowhere near commensurate with [its] stated ambition to be a major global-security actor." He reaches this depressing conclusion by looking at a range of variables, including the EU's procurement practices, military reforms, and mission accomplishments so far -- none of which suggests rapid progress toward the stated goals. Nor, Giegerich argues, are the prospects of success likely to improve significantly anytime soon: according to recent public opinion polls, only tiny minorities of Europeans consider defense and foreign affairs to be the most important issues facing their countries (one percent of the Germans surveyed and two percent of the British surveyed gave that answer) -- which means that, especially in the current economic climate, the EU countries' military budgets are likely to remain stagnant at best. The EU's military capabilities are far from keeping pace with its ambitions.
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The two world wars are the mountain ranges that dominate the historical landscape of the twentieth century. We still live in their shadows, in America as well as in Europe. Only with these wars did European and American history begin to coincide. The revolutions of 1820, 1830, 1848 and the wars leading to the unification of Italy and Germany marked the nineteenth century in European history, while the major events in American history were the westward movement, the Civil War and mass immigration. These events had certain transatlantic connections, yet not decisive ones. But in the twentieth century the two world wars have been the main events in the history of Europe and America as well.
Early on August 22, 1939, the world was startled to learn from an announcement in the Soviet press that German Foreign Minister Joachim von Ribbentrop would arrive in Moscow on the following day to sign a nonaggression pact. Equipped with instructions from Adolf Hitler authorizing him to sign both a treaty and a secret protocol that would enter into force as soon as signed by the two countries (rather than when ratified later), Ribbentrop left for Moscow that evening. At the airport, the German delegation was met by deputy commissar for foreign affairs, Vladimir P. Potemkin, who earlier that year had declined an invitation to meet with British Foreign Secretary Lord Halifax.
Asserts that various 'myths' as to the character of the conflict in the former Yugoslavia have been used by the West to justify avoidance of intervention. Explains the situation in order to correct these misunderstandings, and asserts that there is "very little chance of the war winding down without external international involvement". Concludes with the assertion that the employment of countervailing force against Serbian aggression, under the aegis of the UN, would be a lesser evil for European security than continued inaction, which would "set a dangerous precedent".
