Beyond Terror and Martyrdom: The Future of the Middle East
Kepel frames this account in terms of two concurrent, contending "grand narratives" -- the Bush administration's "global war on terror" and al Qaeda's global jihad. Both professed a utopian aspiration.
Kepel frames his account in terms of two concurrent, contending "grand narratives" -- the Bush administration's "global war on terror" and al Qaeda's global jihad. Both professed a utopian aspiration. The former was supposed to bring democracy to the Middle East; the latter was supposed to rid the Muslim world of infidel domination and internal tyranny. Both failed. Both deserved to fail. Squeezing history into such a dramatic framework risks distortion. (Think of Shakespeare's historical plays set alongside the historical record.) But no such problem exists here. Kepel knows his Middle East, and he is arguably the foremost expert on political Islam. He also reaches beyond his contending grand narratives. Illustrative of his ability to capture the complexity of these years is the fact that he treats not just the Bush administration and al Qaeda but also such diverse people and places as Iran's president, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad; the Maronite Lebanese leader General Michel Aoun; the Danish cartoon affair; Pope Benedict XVI; and the situations of Muslims in different European countries. As for the U.S. role in this ongoing tragedy, think of Kepel's account as a harsh but deserved rebuke from "old Europe."
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Despite what many argue, Arab and Muslim rage at the United States has had very little to do with actual U.S. policies--policies that have been remarkably pro-Arab over the past 50 years. Promoting anti-Americanism is simply the best way Muslim leaders have found to distract their publics from the real problem: internal mismanagement. New U.S. policies or a PR campaign will not change matters.
Since 9/11, Muslim schools have been denounced as breeding grounds for terrorism. But instead of seeing madrasahs as a threat, Western policymakers should recognize that they present an opportunity for engagement and reform.
The age of U.S. dominance in the Middle East has ended and a new era in the modern history of the region has begun. It will be shaped by new actors and new forces competing for influence, and to master it, Washington will have to rely more on diplomacy than on military might.
