Welfare and Capitalism in Postwar Japan: Party, Bureaucracy, and Business
This book answers the question of if Japan is a thin welfare state, why is its income distribution one of the most egalitarian of any advanced industrial society.
If Japan is a thin welfare state, as is generally thought, why is its income distribution one of the most egalitarian of any advanced industrial society? This book marries an answer to this question with a general argument about the political determinants of welfare policies. The Japanese system is in fact more generous than it appears, because many benefits are targeted to specific groups outside the formal welfare system -- through public works, employment protections, subsidies to rural families, and the like. This is due, Estévez-Abe argues, to the workings of Japan's single-nontransferable-vote electoral system, plus some other structural features of Japanese politics. Politicians in this kind of system have to mobilize distinct groups of voters in their electoral districts, which they can do better with targeted policies than with universalistic programs. Drawing the logical conclusion from her analysis, Estévez-Abe predicts that the 1996 reform of the Japanese electoral system will eventually produce a shift to a universalistic but meager benefits system, like that of the United Kingdom. Missing from her analysis is the comparison case of Taiwan, which had almost the same electoral system and electoral reform as Japan. Although written for academic political economists, the book will reward study by anyone who wishes to understand the dynamics of Japan's distinctive form of modern capitalism.
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Future historians may well mark the mid-1980s as the time when Japan surpassed the United States to become the world's dominant economic power. Japan achieved superior industrial competitiveness several years earlier, but by the mid-1980s its high-technology exports to the United States far exceeded imports, and annual trade surpluses approached $50 billion a year. Meanwhile, America's trade deficits mushroomed to $150 billion a year. By late 1985, Japan's international lending already exceeded $640 billion, about ten percent more than America's, and it is growing rapidly. By 1986 the United States became the world's largest debtor nation and Japan surpassed the United States and Saudi Arabia to become the world's largest creditor.
Japan's low wage and high productivity economy, which has depended on an export boom, is being challenged by other economies, and forced to adopt new strategies. One of these is 'going multi-national'. This is economically right but presents a social and psychological dilemma. It threatens the social harmony represented by life-long employments and circumscribes the ability of the Japanese to control their cultural destiny.
It is hard to be optimistic about Japan's economy, given that Tokyo has already frittered away a decade. But a corner has been turned. The Japanese people increasingly realize that without reform the situation will only get worse. This new awareness was the force behind Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi's election in 2001. The bad news is that it may take another decade to get the economy back on track.

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