Reconsidering Woodrow Wilson: Progressivism, Internationalism, War, and Peace
This volume, a collection of essays to mark Wilson's 150th birthday in 2006, provides an assessment of his legacy in progressive politics and international affairs.
For almost a hundred years, Woodrow Wilson's ideas have cast a shadow over U.S. foreign policy. As Henry Kissinger has observed, it is "to the drumbeat of Wilsonian idealism that American foreign policy has marched since his watershed presidency and continues to march to this day." This volume, a collection of essays to mark Wilson's 150th birthday in 2006, provides an assessment of his legacy in progressive politics and international affairs. Cooper, a leading Wilson scholar, argues that Wilson's greatest triumphs and greatest failings came in his dealings with Congress. He was "one of the greatest legislative leaders ever to sit in the White House," overseeing the passage of historic progressive legislation but also presiding over the defeat of his beloved League of Nations. Other scholars take up Wilson's achievements in the areas of economic reform, race, and free speech, with one author noting that Wilson was indeed the architect of modern liberalism but was also deeply unenlightened in regard to race relations or social justice. In foreign affairs, Lloyd Ambrosius explores how Wilson's racism shaped his approach to international relations, arguing that his idea of democracy did not affirm racial equality. Several authors, most directly Anne-Marie Slaughter, take up the thorny question of whether Wilson was at heart a liberal interventionist laying the intellectual groundwork for future imperial adventures. Most of the authors resist this view, stressing Wilson's vision of a world community of states organized around the rule of law. Cooper tries to settle the matter, arguing that Wilson's famous utterance in his war address -- "The world must be made safe for democracy" -- was expressed in the passive voice precisely to indicate that he was not advocating that democracy should be imposed.
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Jefferson's conceptions of the US national interest, and of the diplomatic postures by which it was most fit to be advanced, still inform US foreign policy today, in respect of uneasy contrast between withdrawal and reformation. "For Jefferson, as for subsequent American statesmen, the desire to change the world was at war with the desire not to be corrupted by the world... The combination of universalism and parochialism is the result of a self-consciousness over role that forms a constant in the nation's history". Yet "the conventional contrast of the roles of exemplar and crusader has often obscured the affinity that may always exist between them", as between thought and action. Jefferson's own statecraft illustrated the hazards of crusadership, as his early sympathy for the French Revolution and desire for American territorial expansion led to a 'neutralism' which effectively supported Napoleon Bonaparte and brought about war with Britain.
Foreign policy is not a game of chess, though it is often called that. There is no fixed board and there is no book of rules to say that a certain move will be successful or that a contrary one will fail. The treatises on diplomacy are guides to techniques. Books of etiquette that tell how to hold a teacup or fold a handkerchief do not help when the ceiling falls in the parlor or a baby must be delivered in a taxicab. So with diplomacy, the human factors determine whether an emergency is handled well or badly.
On June 25, 1982, halfway through the second year of President Reagan's term, the most effective Treasury Secretary of the 1970s (and now a regular golf partner of the present one) was brought in from the fairways to succeed Alexander Haig as Secretary of State. Seen from Europe, that event has the makings of being a watershed in this presidential term.

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