The Life and Times of Raúl Prebisch, 1901–1986
In this exhaustively researched, authoritative treatment, Dosman, a Canadian political scientist, finds Prebisch to be a sensible, centrist economist, opposing excessive industrial protectionism and seeking an effective balance between the state and the market.
A towering figure in twentieth-century international economics, Raúl Prebisch was a powerful theorist, world-class institution builder, and charismatic orator. He drove forward such transformative ideas as import-substitution industrialization, unequal terms of trade, and the 1970s rallying cry "the new international economic order." Exiled from his ungrateful Argentina, Prebisch became a lifelong leader of large UN agencies, launching the influential Latin American Economic Secretariat in Santiago, Chile, and the UN Conference on Trade and Development in Geneva. In this exhaustively researched, authoritative treatment, Dosman, a Canadian political scientist, finds Prebisch to be a sensible, centrist economist, opposing excessive industrial protectionism and seeking an effective balance between the state and the market. Similarly, in the raging North-South diplomatic debates, Prebisch was somewhere in the middle, searching for compromises based on mutual interests and frustrated by Latin America's perennial incapacity to implement effective economic integration. Prebisch (more, it seems, than Dosman) admired the United States, even as he resisted its heavy-handedness, and fervently criticized Latin American economic elites and political populists for blocking badly needed internal reforms; Argentine President Juan Perón brutally destroyed Prebisch's first great achievement, an independent Argentine central bank. Ultimately, Prebisch emerges as something of a tragic figure, unable to persuade his fellow Argentines or the international community to abandon their vanities and passions in favor of more rational governance. In dark and intimate interviews, Prebisch's two wives and other close associates insinuate that there were personal moral lapses. Overall, Dosman has given us a large, important book that not only immortalizes a great man but also starkly illuminates the repetitive patterns of inter-American relations.
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With so many players involved, the eagerly anticipated Free Trade Area of the Americas is likely to wind up a shallow project. A better way to jump-start hemispheric integration would be to expand NAFTA to the Southern Cone -- enhancing prosperity, security, and democracy throughout South America.
More than ten years have passed since Fidel Castro entered Havana in triumph. It is almost as long since the Alliance for Progress was proclaimed. A great deal has changed in this period, both in Latin America and in the United States. Much has happened in the hemisphere; more has failed to happen.
America now faces the prospect of economic conflicts with both Europe and East Asia. The United States and the European Union have already fired the first shots of retaliatory sanctions over their ever-growing trade disputes. On the other side of the world, meanwhile, Asian countries are creating a bloc of their own that could include preferential trade arrangements and an Asian Monetary Fund. These developments could produce a tripolar world and hamper global economic integration. To avert this outcome, the United States must quell its domestic backlash against globalization and reassert its economic leadership in the world. The new Bush administration should make multilateral trade liberalization a top priority -- or it will face unpleasant economic and political consequences as the U.S. and foreign economies slow.

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