C, Anonymous
THE hundredth anniversary of the Monroe Doctrine has now been duly celebrated. In the literature elicited by this occasion the dominant note has been one of satisfaction and of praise. Plainly the American people with few exceptions are proud of the Monroe Doctrine. They look on it as a monument to the wisdom of the fathers. They believe that it has proved beneficial, not only to themselves, but to the whole Western Hemisphere, without giving cause of legitimate umbrage to the rest of the world for it is a doctrine of defense, not aggression. It has been and still is the shield of many a weak state. So far from being "an obsolete shibboleth,"[i] it is as living today as when it was first enunciated and is admitted to be the fundamental principle of our foreign policy from which no statesman at Washington may swerve even by a hair's breadth.
To be sure, these views come a little more glibly from the Republicans than from the Democrats. The Monroe Doctrine did get into the Peace of Versailles, but it was rather as an after-thought with the not very inspiring appellation of a "regional understanding." It may not be incompatible with the League of Nations, but the relations between the two require a certain amount of explanation. This explanation the Democrats have offered, indeed they have had to keep on offering it, yet at the best theirs is only a defensive attitude, however vigorous, while the Republicans can expatiate on the triumphant continuity of the truly American policy from the days of Monroe and John Quincy Adams to those of Harding and Hughes. Certainly its success has been remarkable and great is its present renown...
This is a premium article
You must be a logged in Foreign Affairs subscriber to continue reading. If you wish to continue reading this article please subscribe , or activate your online account to get full online access.
Log In
Buy PDF
Buy a premium PDF reprint of this article.Related
MOST Americans who write of American foreign policy denounce their Government. They take it as axiomatic that the Department of State is selfish and materialistic, that to differ proves their own beautiful idealism. They, of course, do not construct policy. They have the easier and more congenial task of pulling it to pieces. An Englishman or a Frenchman or a German seldom condemns his government in advance, especially in international dealings. His tendency is rather to support his government as long as he conscientiously can. I see no reason why Americans should be less patriotic.
THE sincere way in which the Middle West is studying foreign affairs these days is one of the worth-while facts to be noted along the relatively difficult trail which it is traveling. This development should mean much in a broader national outlook, for it brings the last section of the country up out of the slough of indifference that so frequently has characterized the attitude of large proportions of our people toward other nations.
NEARLY a generation has now passed since the occupation of the Philippines by our army and navy first brought those Islands to the responsible attention of the people of the United States. Not only are trans-Pacific affairs now receiving greater attention in America than formerly but our own experiments in government in the Islands have continued long enough to enable us to get a better grasp and perspective of the controlling facts.

Sign-up for free weekly updates from ForeignAffairs.com.