DR. HANS A. DORTEN, leader of the Rhenish movement for autonomy within the German Reich
"Si nolis bellum para pacem!"
THE November revolution of 1918 relieved Germany of her various monarchies. At that time nothing seemed more obvious than that the artificial states which had been created in accordance with dynastic considerations should be wiped out in favor of others which should really correspond to the several branches of the German race; and, indeed, the first drafts of the new constitution actually did provide for a re-division of Germany into states of this character.
Such a new alignment would naturally have included a Rhine state (stock of the Rhenish Franks), consisting of the Rhine province, the western part of Westphalia (the Ruhr), Hesse-Nassau, and the Rheinpfalz; a Swabian state (Swabian stock), consisting of Baden and Wurttemburg; a Bavarian state (stock of the Bajuvaren), consisting of Bavaria and Coburg; a Lower Saxon state (stock of the Lower Saxons), consisting of the eastern part of Westphalia, Oldenburg, Schleswig-Holstein, Hanover, and Braunschweig; and, finally, an Upper Saxon state (stock of the Upper Saxons), consisting of the Province of Saxony and Thuringia, the former kingdom of Saxony. Thus the minimum number of individual states would be set up, in order that the necessities of economic life might be more equitably adjusted, yet all the old German racial divisions would have been respected. East of the Elbe, in the German colonial territories, formerly inhabited by Slavs and still showing Slavic characteristics, a new division would have led to the erection of states about as follows: Mecklenburg and Pomerania, Brandenburg, Silesia, and Prussia.
Resistance on the part of the Prussian Junkers to any such scheme manifested itself forthwith, but in view of their complete demoralization it had no particular significance. Rather more unexpectedly, though really quite logically, the Social Democrats later emerged as bitter opponents of the proposed new division. Their leaders recognized that, being a minority, they could retain their leadership only by virtue of the most extreme centralization. They therefore adopted the Prussian system of the Hohenzollerns, with its centralized uniformity and its stock of disciplined officials, which in its time had grown up as a result of much the same considerations...
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THE World War was won by the soldiers of democracy, over an autocracy in quest of world hegemony, led by an over-ambitious Emperor. The Peace was lost by democracy's postwar statesmen, for twenty years united in an attitude of defeatism, to that same autocracy in quest of the same world hegemony, this time led by an obscure World War corporal. The defeatism of those statesmen permitted Hitler's Germany to rearm, increase her territory and population, and create a militarized nationalism openly organized for wars of conquest.
WHEN a drastic revolution occurs in a society the change in atmosphere and behavior is so overwhelming that one cannot believe one's eyes and ears. This is not the society with which one was familiar, the place where one felt so much at home. The old society had a face which one knew and trusted. Suddenly it is gone. Another face is there -- a strange, foreign face. One thinks, "This is a nightmare." One closes one's eyes and pinches oneself, naively expecting that with another look the distorted vision will have passed, and the old familiar face will be there again.
WHEN Professor Bergsträsser wrote his account of the pre-war German political parties,[i] he began by pointing out the comparatively recent growth of a "parteipolitisches Leben" in Germany. He traced it back to 1848, thus giving present-day party politics in Germany an age of about two generations of men, to which we might now add a third generation of men and women.

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