"The Intimate Papers of Colonel House"
WALTER LIPPMANN, Editor of the New York World
I
THESE two volumes[i] tell Colonel House's story of his association with Woodrow Wilson through the period of American neutrality. They end with a scene at the White House after the delivery of the war message; the President, his family and the Colonel are alone together.
The two friends had spent the day doing nothing except kill time until the President was called to the Capitol. House set down in his diary that he could see signs of nervousness beneath the President's apparent calm. "In the morning he told me he was determined not to speak after three o'clock, believing it would make a bad impression -- an impression that he was unduly pressing matters. I thought differently and persuaded him that he should hold himself ready to address Congress whenever that body indicated their readiness to hear him. It turned out that he began to speak at twenty minutes to nine and finished in about thirty-two minutes. I timed him carefully." . . . It was like the two men, the one in such an agony of doubt over the awful responsibility of the decision into which he had been pushed that he snatched at a pretext that might allow him to delay; the other imperturbable and aware of the immediate requirements of the occasion even to setting down in his diary that he had timed the President carefully and that he spoke about thirty-two minutes. Colonel House did not put down in his diary that night how he felt about the entry of the United States into a great European war, except to say that it seemed to him that "Wilson did not have a true conception of the path he was blazing." It was House's business to be calm and so he simply wrote that they had dined early, at half past six, and that they talked of everything except the matter in hand, that when they returned from the Capitol the family gathered in the Oval Room, where House showed Wilson a clipping from some paper, and said to Wilson he was like Mazzini. "I could see the President was relieved that the tension was over and the die cast. I knew this would happen."
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IN due course Senator Borah has been made Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations. He has come into this high estate not by election of the people or by choice of his own party but under the rule of seniority. He has outlasted his predecessors. I mention this fact because it establishes his independence at the outset. A man who has attained an office because he is alive and because he continues to be elected by the people of Idaho is under no great compulsion to regard himself as the mere mouthpiece of a President or of a Secretary of State.
FROM the Nationalist Headquarters at Hankow there comes a "Manifesto to the American People" in which it is declared that, "The Chinese people believe the American people are not aware of the crimes their government is committing" in pursuit of a "catastrophic change in America's policy toward China."
MOST Americans who write of American foreign policy denounce their Government. They take it as axiomatic that the Department of State is selfish and materialistic, that to differ proves their own beautiful idealism. They, of course, do not construct policy. They have the easier and more congenial task of pulling it to pieces. An Englishman or a Frenchman or a German seldom condemns his government in advance, especially in international dealings. His tendency is rather to support his government as long as he conscientiously can. I see no reason why Americans should be less patriotic.

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