EMILE VANDERVELDE, leader of the Socialist Party in Belgium; formerly Minister of Foreign Affairs and Minister of Justice
THE last decade has witnessed the appearance of a new political formation -- the Third or Communist International. Born of the Russian revolution, it unites under its banner all the political parties which call themselves communist and aim at the establishment of the "dictatorship of the proletariat" by forcible methods. In all questions of policy, even those involving merely local tactical problems, they follow instructions from Moscow, the capital of the Revolution.
Immediately after the war it was generally believed, at least in bourgeois circles, that the working class all over the world was going to smash the framework of the old socialist parties and join en masse the Third International, substituting the methods of Bolshevism for those of a socialistic democracy. This is exactly what did not happen. In the advanced countries of Europe, after a considerable initial success, the communists met with the strong resistance of the well-organized social-democratic parties. Their efforts to capture the Orient were doomed to disappointment. In both North and South America their political influence is negligible. The question whether they now are gaining or losing ground is one in which the friends and enemies of socialism are equally interested. To this question I shall attempt to give an answer, limiting my investigation, however, to those countries with which I am in a degree familiar, that is, the countries of Europe.
At first sight the task seems relatively easy. To aid us in measuring communist gains and losses we have reasonably complete data, under three main heads: the membership of the parties; the strength of the communist labor organizations; and the number of votes obtained by their candidates at elections...
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CHINA is an important Power by the measurements of geography, resources, and population. In geographical position it sprawls across the eastern rim of that ocean which we are often reminded is the next theater of man's major activities. Its resources, though popularly exaggerated, are great. Its population is the greatest -- a fourth of the human race.
For a long time it was thought that the way the People's Republic of China was being governed opened a new chapter in Chinese history. Some scholars argued that the communist system in China was a continuation of Confucianism, but a closer look disclosed little resemblance. The country was subject to spasmodic, repetitious political campaigns; the national economy constantly went through major reshuffles-land reform, socialization, communization, the retreat from communization and the Great Leap Forward. Traditional Chinese values were repudiated or ignored. Even the old Chinese concern for "face" seemed to be disregarded. Everybody was expected to expose in public meetings the evil words and evil deeds of friends and colleagues, of parents and brothers. The traditional Chinese family was severely disrupted, though, as the old Chinese proverb says, it is useless to attack a city if the hearts are not won over. The hearts were not won over, but for a long time it appeared that the régime was solidly established and enjoying general support, if not from love, then from fear.
Mao Tse-tung's latest battle is almost certainly his last. It will also probably lead to his first major and irreversible defeat. A superb political tactician, he should be able to destroy his old companions who have turned against him. But this will not attain for Mao what he set out to achieve with his "cultural revolution." For he seeks nothing less than the rejuvenation of a great revolution, the rebirth in middle age of the drive, the passion, the selflessness and the discipline it had in its youth a third of a century ago. But the clock can hardly be turned back, and a nation in the age of nuclear bombs and computers cannot behave as if this were still the age of millet and rifles.

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