The London Naval Conference: an American View
WALTER LIPPMANN, Editor of the New York World; author of "A Preface to Morals," "The Stakes of Diplomacy," and other works
I. THE REASONS FOR CALLING THE CONFERENCE
IN the year 1929 there were two impelling reasons for opening negotiations aimed at the further limitation of naval armaments. The Washington Treaty[i] had provided for a holiday until 1931 in the construction of capital ships. Thus when Mr. Hoover became President in March 1929 he knew that within a short time he would have to face the question of building battleships. The treaty had authorized the United States to lay down fifteen new battleships of 35,000 tons' displacement between 1931 and 1939. It had authorized Great Britain to do the same. It had authorized Japan to lay down nine battleships. If the cost of one of these ships be estimated at fifty million dollars there was here the prospect of an expenditure of three quarters of a billion dollars on the part of the United States, and of nearly two billions by the three Powers combined. The common sense of the civilians fortified by the increasing skepticism of naval men abroad as to the value of battleships revolted against this destructive expenditure. It was evident that steps would have to be taken before 1931 to avert it.
An even more impelling reason for opening negotiations was presented by the situation in respect to cruisers, destroyers and submarines. They had not been regulated under the Washington Treaty. Beginning in 1924 a race of armaments had developed in these classes and after the failure of the Geneva Conference of 1927 the race had become a dangerous disturbance to the peace of the world. There was undisguised rivalry between Britain, Japan and America in large cruisers, a great tension between Britain and France over submarines, an out and out competition between France and Italy in all three categories.
Mr. Hoover acknowledged the need of agreement in his Inaugural Address, and the Baldwin government, which was soon to be replaced by the MacDonald government, was equally aware of the necessity.[ii] Active negotiations began immediately after the appointment of General Dawes as Ambassador to Great Britain, and were given a great impetus by a speech delivered on April 22, 1929, by Ambassador Gibson at Geneva before the Preparatory Commission for the Disarmament Conference. Mr. Hoover continued to push the negotiations and to arouse public sentiment.[iii]
II. THE RACE OF ARMAMENTS
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WHY, and to what extent, were the results of the Naval Conference in London incomplete and unsatisfactory? A French answer to these questions may be of interest to the American reader, and perhaps induce him to revise some of his preconceived ideas and prejudices. In coming years the question of the limitation of armaments is likely to dominate all other political issues in Europe. Therefore it would be useful to remove, so far as possible, the misunderstandings which already exist between public opinion in the United States and public opinion in France and elsewhere.
THE Freedom of the Seas, like the Monroe Doctrine, is understood to be a phrase representing an aspect of the policy of the United States. Every nation has the right to define its own policy, and a British Secretary of State once provoked indignation by sending a dispatch to Washington in which it was argued that the Monroe Doctrine was not what the President of the United States described it to be. It is for the United States alone to define the Monroe Doctrine as being part of her own policy.
WHEN the London Conference came to an end it was agreed that the next Conference should take place in five years. One year of that interval has already gone. What, one may ask, has been done by all of us during that year in preparation for that next Conference? Has any investigation been set afoot, in any of the countries concerned, to examine, in the true scientific spirit that problems of such magnitude demand, all the matters which must then come up for -- possibly -- a final settlement?

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