HENRY PRATHER FLETCHER, formerly American Ambassador to Chile, Mexico, Belgium and Italy; recently a member of President Hoover's Commission to investigate conditions in Haiti
THE Haitian problem has not been settled by the President's Commission. What we did was to suggest steps to be taken to restore to the Haitian people as rapidly as may be, and in any event by 1936 (the date of the expiration of our treaty with Haiti), complete control over their own affairs.
The political compromise by which the presidential succession was arranged and the reëstablishment of the legislative branch of the government provided for were incidental to the main task entrusted to the Commission by President Hoover. We were given no written instructions except a copy of the President's statement of February 4, 1930, in which he announced his intention of appointing a commission. But Mr. W. Cameron Forbes, who was subsequently named chairman, and I were summoned to Washington before the personnel of the Commission was announced, and we discussed very fully with the President and the Acting Secretary of State the work which the President desired us to do. We were to study the situation in Haiti and to formulate our national policy with respect to that republic. We were given an absolutely free hand.
As the readers of FOREIGN AFFAIRS will recall, the grewsome events of 1915 in Haiti marked the close of a decade of progressive political disintegration, culminating in our intervention. Black Democracy had failed. The second republic in the western world to declare and maintain its independence was politically and financially bankrupt. There had been seven Presidents in seven years. Simon served two years and seven months and was deposed; Leconte served one year and was blown up; Auguste, after serving nine months, died in office; Oreste, the first civilian President, resigned after eight months and went into exile; Zamor served nine months and was then deposed by Theodore, who was in turn overthrown three months later by Sam; after serving four months Sam was literally dismembered by the mob, as the result of a jail massacre of over 160 of his political opponents whom he had confined on suspicion of connection with the Bobo revolution then under way. In this disturbed decade foreign warships had on several occasions landed marines and bluejackets to protect their nationals or to enforce claims. The advent of the World War saved the United States from serious international difficulties on account of Haiti...
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AS a result of acute manifestations of chronic political instability in Haiti, United States troops were landed at Port au Prince on July 28, 1915. Since that time a special relationship has existed between the United States and Haiti, the legal basis for which is provided in the treaty made on September 16 of that same year. Meanwhile the organization and functioning of the American effort in Haiti has been defined and extended, quite necessarily and legitimately, by interpretation, mutual agreement, and Haitian legislation.
The first U.S. occupation of Haiti lasted almost 20 years and, by creating a modern military, buttressed the forces that have historically polarized the nation. Now American soldiers are back. Will we repeat those mistakes? Or can Haiti-a nation born of a slave revolt, isolated by the discrimination of anxious European and American powers, and inflicted with a parasitic upper class-finally overcome its past? Real democracy will require economic transformation. America must pick a side in the class warfare that has immobilized Haiti for 200 years.
Haiti is in many ways a true social relic. Having lingered almost intact for more than a century and a half, this unfortunate country to a great extent is the past; its every ancient curiosity remains as precisely visible as a well-preserved archaeological artifact.

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