German Military Power Since Versailles
GENERAL WILHELM GROENER, successor to General Ludendorff as Quartermaster-General of the German Army; Minister of Communications, 1920-23; Minister of National Defense, 1928-32
THE question of disarmament occupies the center of the political stage. Nearly a hundred and fifty years have gone by since Immanuel Kant wrote his philosophical essay "On Eternal Peace." In addition to uttering other maxims about safeguarding international peace, he demanded the abolition of standing armies on the score that they constitute a perpetual menace of war against other nations. Since Kant's days numerous and gigantic wars have shaken the world. Tentative attempts to safeguard international peace by political conventions were undertaken at The Hague in 1899 and in 1907; but they were fruitless. Not until the World War had exacted its sacrifice of millions of human lives, besides destroying the economic relations of the nations of the earth, did statesmen feel a moral incentive to transform Kant's philosophical ideas into a practical political instrument. And still the ideal of a system of international peace, as President Wilson conceived it, remains unfulfilled. The warlike complications in eastern Asia have shown only too plainly that the League of Nations is devoid of any real authority. The Kellogg Pact was designed to outlaw war and stiffen the moral obligation of all nations to settle their quarrels not by resort to arms, but by arbitration. The regrettable fact remains that by tradition politics is not dependent on moral considerations...
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HOW much can Soviet Russia aid Germany? How much will she? The precise answer to this double-barreled question, which may well determine the military outcome of the European war and the future course of world politics, is still unknown. Current estimates, in so far as they are not guesswork limited to specific items (e.g. oil), are based on the inadequate and often unreliable statistics of Russia's past economic performance.
THERE is something fascinating, and at the same time almost frightening, in the completeness of the pattern woven by the Fates about the two sets of Russo-German negotiations which took place at Brest-Litovsk twenty years apart, in 1918 and now again in 1939. Almost all the elements of great drama are presented -- tragedy and betrayal, irony and fleeting sardonic wit, and the inevitable Nemesis of knaves. There lacks, however, the crowning glory of a third act in which virtue is rewarded. For the element of virtue was ever absent from Brest.

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