JORGE MAÑACH, Cuban lawyer and writer, member of the Executive Committee of the A. B. C., author of a recent biography of José Martí
DID the events of last August which put an end to the tyrannical dictatorship of General Machado in Cuba constitute a genuine revolution? If by revolution we understand merely the sudden shift of power from one man to another, the answer is clearly yes. Yet even with this definition, there is room to question how responsible a nation may be for a revolution characterized by anomalies both in its cause and course. Thus the revolution was produced as the consequence of the activities of a foreign diplomat, and its later developments continued in large measure to be conditioned by that same intrusion. To what degree do these facts detract from the genuine revolutionary character of the governmental change which has occurred in Cuba?
The answer depends on how strictly we define the nature of a revolution. There are revolutions and revolutions. There are simple transfers of authority of the superficial and factional type so common in Latin-American history; and there are revolts of more profound significance. Externally, every revolution worthy of the name is a process; that is, it is not one act, but a series of acts which describe an acute curve, with a preliminary phase of incubation, an apex moment represented by the revolt itself, and a decline toward normality, in which the revolutionary impulses finally achieve realization or frustration. Internally, every revolution is based on the imposition, by violence or otherwise, of an opposing will on the will of the constituted governmental authority. The classification of a revolution depends on whether this will is partial, merely that of a faction, or genuinely collective and national.
An examination, first in its external aspect, of the process of the Cuban revolution (which, it goes without saying, is still to be completed), leads to the recognition of a typical quality which predominates over the dubious elements in the situation mentioned above. The revolt itself consisted, as is well known, in the peremptory displacement of President Machado and his government by the Cuban army, together with accompanying activity on the part of the people, who during several feverish days of persecution and pillage set their hands to every possible form of punishment. It was in its way a typical reproduction of the best accredited revolutionary models. Of its genuine character there is no possible doubt...
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Castro has embarked on a programme of economic re-centralization to encourage the economy, and a new socialist ideological drive to encourage the people. Cuba has thus turned back from the trend of communist countries to graft at least some capitalist methods on to their economies. Internal troubles are forecast as a result of this. Cuba's partly-homegrown foreign policy, in particular its relations with the USA and the USSR, is also discussed.
Fidel Castro is not on the way out anytime soon. In fact, he may be the best guarantor of Cuba's peaceful transition to a market-oriented economy and more democratic government. A good analogy is with Spanish autocrat Francisco Franco. Like Franco, Castro allied himself with the losing side in the grand sweep of history, but he has slowly reintegrated his nation with the world by pushing tourism, seeking foreign investment, gradually liberalizing the political system, and expanding civil liberties. Castro has more support in Cuba than many in the West think, and the United States should begin a phaseout of its embargo tied to Cuba's economic and political performance.
The smooth transfer of power from Fidel Castro to his successors is exposing the willful ignorance and wishful thinking of U.S. policy toward Cuba. The post-Fidel transition is already well under way, and change in Cuba will come only gradually from here on out. With or without Fidel, renewed U.S. efforts to topple the revolutionary regime in Havana can do no good -- and have the potential to do considerable harm.

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