ERNEST HAMBLOCH, for many years British Consul General in Brazil and Commercial Secretary of the British Embassy; author of "British Consul" and "His Majesty the President"
ON November 10, 1937, Rio de Janeiro awoke to find the Senate and Chamber of Deputies surrounded by pickets of mounted Military Police. A few hours later President Getulio Vargas abolished the existing Constitution and imposed one of his own manufacture. Brazilians as well as foreigners have referred to those events as a coup d'état. But that term implies illegality, violence and surprise, and is not quite accurate as a summary of what happened. The illegality of Dr. Vargas' act was of course flagrant: the Constitution was abolished by the very man who was its chief custodian. But there was no violence, for army chiefs had seen to it that there could be no resistance. As for surprise, those who had followed the course of events in Brazil during recent years scarcely did more than raise an eyebrow.
It is in its implications, however, that Dr. Vargas' act is most liable to misapprehension. A coup d'état introduces a change of government, whereas in this case no real change was effected. What Dr. Vargas did was to give the coup de grâce to a fiction, the fiction that Brazil was a free republic. The truth was that ever since he had first seized power in October 1930 Dr. Vargas had been paramount in Brazil. The new Constitution was imposed merely by a pronunciamento, with a slight variation on that classic South American process: Dr. Vargas has not been an insurrectionist for seven years; he has become an evolutionist, determined to remain in power. The fundamental question in Brazil today is whether he carries the nation with him in imposing a régime designed to give effect to that determination...
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In 1964 the army and the technocrats seized power in Brazil. Forging an alliance with industrial and financial interests, this coalition has revitalized a sagging economy and made sweeping political changes. The authoritarian and efficient régime that has emerged is cheered by business and at least tacitly accepted by the middle classes prizing their greater economic security. A smaller number among the 90,000,000 Brazilians have deplored the destruction of democratic forms and the severe curbs on political and civil rights. But this opposition has hardly affected the evolution toward a new political-economic system.
In recent weeks, a growing number of Brazilians are leaning toward the belief that the political regime of the country has finally made it round its Cape of Good Hope. Actually, since the middle of 1974, Brasília has appeared to be sailing on relatively smooth waters toward the reestablishment of the rule of law. Virtually no one questions the sincerity of purpose of President Ernesto Geisel-the fourth General-President since 1964, now completing his first year in office-and many are beginning to believe he will be successful in a task in which his predecessors met with painful failure.
President Sarney tells of his unexpected accession after the illness of Tancredo Neves, and explains the introduction of new political structures, the action taken on Brazil's foreign debt, and the Cruzado plan to reform the economy. He has a new vision for Brazil and expects the USA to share it.

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