The Transformation of the German Idea
Editor's Note, This article will appear in a book by Signor Croce, translated by Vincent Sheean, to be published shortly by Random House.
BENEDETTO CROCE, Minister of State without Portfolio in the Italian Government formed April 1944; former Minister for Public Instruction; author of "Filosofia dello Spirito," a philosophic system translated into many languages
I. WAR AS IDEAL
IT can be said that a first although unexpressed assertion of anti-militaristic thought took place in the history of historiography when, in the nineteenth century, boredom and irritation developed towards books entirely made up of accounts of wars and of negotiations preparing or concluding them; and there arose the insistent demand for another form of history which would give what truly corresponded to the major interests of the human mind and soul: the history of religion, of philosophy, of science, of the arts, of customs and moral life -- in a word, the history of civilization. Along this line modern historiography moved, always going forward, not only restricting the too-large field which formerly had been given to matters of war, but infusing even into its accounts of these a spirit of which they had formerly been deprived, referring them to the development of the spiritual life in all its forms. Even the history of warfare as a technique, as one of the various techniques of human endeavor, is an aspect of this spiritual history, and more directly of the history of applied science. But war, considered as war in itself, does not lend itself to any historical intelligence, since it cannot be referred to a proper category or ideal of its own.
In fact, this is a fever which periodically fires up in the veins of men and in the course of which individuals and peoples, whatever may be their qualities or rank, fight to overcome and destroy one another. The vicissitudes of the struggle can be followed, by anyone that looks upon them detached and from afar or reads of them in books, with a lively participation of the imagination and as strong a fellow feeling as those with which one watches the spectacles of the circus, the wrestling ring or the cinema. But substantially those vicissitudes are nothing more than a monotonous beating and being beaten, in which luck plays a great part and which is not reducible to historical configuration, because the nexus -- or, let us say, the logical and historical significance -- is to be found elsewhere...
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At the time the National Socialists were fighting their life-or-death battle the first impulse was given for the reawakening and restoration of artistic vitality in Germany. . . . In the midst of everything we found time to lay the foundations for a new Temple of Art. . . . For though there were many grounds on which we might have proceeded against the elements of destruction which had been at work in our cultural life, we did not wish to waste our time calling them to account. . . .
IN 1929 Germany of all great countries came the nearest to being a paradise for organized labor. To be sure, it was definitely capitalist and neither the Social Democratic Party nor the Free trade unions associated with them seemed likely to make it anything else in the near future. But within the limits of capitalism, German labor enjoyed not merely in theory, but to a large extent in practice, almost every considerable right and privilege that well-meaning reformers or its own spokesmen could suggest.
THE World War was won by the soldiers of democracy, over an autocracy in quest of world hegemony, led by an over-ambitious Emperor. The Peace was lost by democracy's postwar statesmen, for twenty years united in an attitude of defeatism, to that same autocracy in quest of the same world hegemony, this time led by an obscure World War corporal. The defeatism of those statesmen permitted Hitler's Germany to rearm, increase her territory and population, and create a militarized nationalism openly organized for wars of conquest.

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