ELIZABETH WISKEMANN, author of "Czechs and Germans," "Prologue to War" and articles on current Central European affairs
IT IS the fashion in Italy to abuse the political parties -- those genuinely anti-Fascist groupings which, in spite of their widely differing aims, combined in 1943 to form the national and regional Committees of National Liberation (in Italian, Comitati di Liberazione Nazionale, always referred to as CLNs). These Committees made a great contribution to the defeat of Nazi-Fascism; but its magnitude was not appreciated outside Italy at the time and is now being forgotten at home. For reasons peculiar to Italy, the disillusionment which followed the end of the fighting has been even more devastating in that country than elsewhere, and Italians have found it easy to throw the blame for present conditions upon the CLN parties which are governing the nation until a Constituent Assembly can be elected. This irritation with politics and parties is exceedingly dangerous, for it is pregnant with a totalitarian mentality.
In Italy today the most urgent economic questions must be politically determined. Poverty is so great that social peace is impossible without a radical redistribution of the little wealth that, more than ever, is concentrated in the hands of a few; and this necessitates action by the state. One may be Socialist or anti-Socialist in theory in Italy today, but it is difficult not to be temporarily Socialistic in practice. This is the basis on which CLN plans for the future were worked out. The Action Party, in some ways the most interesting of the CLN groups, has evolved a program synthesizing guaranteed liberty for the individual with socialism in industry and, to some extent, in agriculture. The program is close to the line of British Labor, though more particularly to the conceptions of Beveridge. The Action Party is, however, a small one, born out of the anti-Fascist Giustizia e Libertà group; it appeals to intellectuals and has many distinguished sympathizers of the caliber of Count Sforza...
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Italy's Socialist Party is center stage, brought there by political transformations at home and abroad. Internally, changes in the Italian electorate have caught the Communist Party and the Christian Democrats flat-footed, helping to plunge these major protagonists into crisis. Externally, the spectacular performance of the French Socialists, and the recent victory of the Greek Socialists, lead many to argue that in Italy too the Socialists represent the wave of the future.
THE World War was the cause of more disturbance and suffering to Italy than to almost any of the other belligerent countries. Less wealthy than they, she felt more acutely the restrictions imposed by wartime discipline. It was indeed clear that for Italy the struggle was going to be a more painful one than for the rest, because her armament was scantier, because the battlefields of the Carso were the most arduous in all Europe, and because her machinery of state was so much younger than that of France, of England, or of Austria.
THE Grand Council of Fascism was set up in 1923, shortly after the "March on Rome," as a private advisory council of the Prime Minister. The Fascist deputy, Signor Volpe, not long ago described it as " the General Staff of Fascism." By the terms of the bill which will undoubtedly have been passed by the time these words appear in print, the Grand Council becomes "the supreme body, which controls all the activities of the régime." The members composing this "supreme body" fall into three categories:

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