The Struggle for German Reunification
FRITZ ERLER, Social Democratic member of the German Bundestag; member of the Defense Committee of the Bundestag
WHEN the Nazi régime collapsed in 1945 and Germany was occupied by Soviet, British, French and American armed forces the Potsdam Agreement determined the four zones of occupation. The principle of a German state under four-Power control was thereby established. The Allied Control Council was to have supreme power over the entire country, with German central administrations exercising responsibility, under Council authority, for such special departments as finance, railways and the post office. France, however, did not join in these agreements since she was opposed at that time to the restoration of a German state centralized in any respect, just as later she fought against allowing similar political parties to form in each of the three Western zones for fear they might one day unite across the zonal borders.
Each occupying Power tried to mold its zone in its own image. From the organization of the police force down to the choice of movie programs the various parts of Germany received their political institutions, press, cultural life and even ideals for bringing up their youth from the respective zonal authorities. The more the zones conformed to the ideals of the different occupying Powers the more, of course, they became estranged from each other.
In the Soviet zone this process was carried out most effectively. Early in 1946 the Communist Party destroyed the independence of the Social Democratic Party and changed its name to "Socialist Union Party" (S.E.D.). The authorities forced the other existing parties (Liberals and Christian Democrats) to become mere satellites and they invented new parties which had no independence at all. Now all the so-called political parties in the Soviet zone are under effective Communist control. The constitution of 1950 exists only on paper. As in all dictatorships, elections are neither free nor secret. The electorate has but one single list of names to which to say "yes" or be silent. The usual sorts of pressure produce the well-known 99.9 "yes" votes...
This is a premium article
You must be a logged in Foreign Affairs subscriber to continue reading. If you wish to continue reading this article please subscribe , or activate your online account to get full online access.
Log In
Buy PDF
Buy a premium PDF reprint of this article.Related
MAKERS of history from Julius Caesar to Adolf Hitler and Winston Churchill have felt an urge to write about themselves, to explain to posterity what they have done and tried to do, to justify the use they have made of their power, to cast the blame on others for what went wrong.
The big man was crucial to his country's unification and looms large in the drive for European union, but German policy has a long-running life of its own.
IT is an accepted political principle in Germany that any political party which wishes to survive must make every possible effort to further the reunification of West and East Germany. Since positive contributions in this direction are impossible, Germans have concentrated more and more on the negative policy of opposing all measures which might prove an obstacle to unity in the future. It is the one aim on which all Germans seem to agree, and against which no one has dared, or wanted, to speak openly.

Sign-up for free weekly updates from ForeignAffairs.com.