PHILIP MASON, Director of Studies in Race Relations, Royal Institute of International Affairs, London; formerly an official of the Indian Civil Service; author of "An Essay on Racial Tension" and "A New Deal in East Africa"
THERE are various grounds on which it may be argued that the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland is the key to Africa. In the Union of South Africa, racial attitudes have hardened and the express political ideal of the dominant party is to increase separation between the races--social, political and economic. This is to run counter to the main trend of opinion in the world and in the long run would seem to most people in the United States and Britain a policy likely to lose Africa--that is, lose any hope of keeping the good will of African States when they eventually become independent. But to the north of the Union lies the Federation, which covers more than 485,000 square miles, larger than the states of Texas, California and New York put together, and has an economic potential to be reckoned with. Here the declared political ideal is not separation of the races but "partnership." Many eyes look from the south towards the Federation, some with cynicism, some with hope. If by any chance the Federation can find a solution to racial problems which can truly be described as "partnership" the Union would surely be affected, and still more so Kenya and Tanganyika. There are divided minds and uneasy consciences in the Union and the success of the Federation's policy would reinforce the consciences.
On one point it is possible to be tolerably certain. If in the course of the next ten years no solution based on a true form of partnership has emerged, then the small white minority who live in Central and East Africa must either cling to power by the naked use of force--and that can hardly be for long--or make the uncomfortable choice between leaving the country of their birth and reconciling themselves to a government in which African interests and attitudes are supreme...
This is a premium article
You must be a logged in Foreign Affairs subscriber to continue reading. If you wish to continue reading this article please subscribe , or activate your online account to get full online access.
Log In
Buy PDF
Buy a premium PDF reprint of this article.Related
There is always something new out of Africa," said the ancient Greeks, as recorded by Pliny the Elder. The contemporary Africa-watcher, however, might be forgiven for wondering whether it is not all more of the same. In 1984, as in 1983, events in southern Africa and the devastating drought and famine which cost the lives of countless tens of thousands again dominated the year. For Nigerians, the new year began with yet another military government, which had ousted the elected civilian administration on the last day of 1983. In Chad, civil war ground on with no solution in sight. Libya's unpredictable leader, Colonel Muammar al-Qaddafi, continued to make headlines with stories ranging from the killing of a British policewoman in London to his dabbling in the affairs of Chad and other countries. At the United Nations, the controversy over Namibia continued to set records as the longest running debate in that organization's history. And U.S. suggestions that its policy of "constructive engagement" with South Africa was succeeding continued to be greeted with skepticism in many quarters.
THE dark people who came to South Africa through Monopotapa are the Basuto-Bechuana and the Zulu-Xosa. They all have Negro, Hamite and Semite blood. In America they would be described as Negro or colored. In South Africa they are called Kaffirs, Bantus, Natives, Africans.
PEOPLE who live in a city get a wholly different impression of it from strangers who look at it from a neighboring hill. The two parties would find difficulty, if they could conduct a discussion by telephone, in coming to any sound conclusions about its architecture or layout. Much the same is true of an institution.

Sign-up for free weekly updates from ForeignAffairs.com.