HUBERT H. HUMPHREY, United States Senator from Minnesota since 1948; member of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations
WHAT is the role of a Senator in the formulation of United States foreign policy? The answer to this question depends upon the character of the times, the issues at hand, and the Senator himself. This essay is concerned with the continuing international crisis of our times, a period for which the term "total diplomacy" was appropriately invented. The issues at stake in the present crisis are almost beyond human calculation. Will a tension-ridden coexistence be catastrophically resolved in a nuclear war? Will Western culture and values be swept under by the rising tide of Communist imperialism?
The United States Senate today is a heterogeneous body reflecting the richness and diversity of the American people. It takes all types--conservatives, liberals, dreamers and practical men--to make a functioning Senate. There is no simple formula for taking its pulse or resolving its will. Its decisions emerge from a continuous process of criticism and analysis on the one hand and the necessity for action on the other. A great nation, like a man of action, cannot tarry for perfect answers. It always has to settle for the best it can get under less than optimum circumstances.
The Founding Fathers regarded the Senate as a council of elders which would deal largely with domestic political concerns. Its unique value, said Madison, is that it proceeds "with more coolness, with more system, and with more wisdom than the popular branch." Federalist Paper No. 64 said "the Constitution provides that our negotiations for treaties shall have every advantage which can be derived from talents, information, integrity, and deliberate investigations, on the one hand, and from secrecy and despatch on the other." Integrity and deliberation were virtues associated with the Senate while dispatch and secrecy were the qualities of the Executive Branch...
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ON the morrow of the Presidential election the American people found themselves confronting a complexly interrelated series of urgent and difficult military problems--problems so urgent and difficult as to call, it would seem, for something like a complete review, and possibly revision, of our whole military policy. The hopes, passions and self-contradictory promises of the electoral campaign had served to intensify nearly all the grave issues involved.
EIGHT of the sovereign States of the American Union owe large sums upon their bonds. They refuse to pay those sums, whether the face amount of the bonds or the amounts or benefits received by the States at the time they were issued, or any compromise amount. Many of these bonds, no one knows just how many, are held by British subjects, for at the time of their issue the United States was a borrowing country and many of the large-scale enterprises launched for the exploitation or development of its pioneer opportunities were financed by British capital.
Those who serve in government, especially when under attack, are likely to be conscious--somewhat defensively perhaps--of the spirit of the old Spanish proverb: "It is not the same to talk of bulls, as to be in the bullring." The memory of that sentiment has had some bearing on my observations from the safe distance of private life. It has commended a focus on institutional problems--those that transcend partisanship.

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