G. F. HUDSON, Fellow of St. Antony's College, Oxford, in charge of the Center of Far Eastern Studies; formerly on the editorial staff of The Economist, London; author of "The Far East in World Politics"
ACCORDING to Marxist theory, mankind advances by evolutionary stages along a predetermined historical road. From feudalism the way forward is to capitalism, thence to socialism and finally to Communism. The main theoretical difference between the two last stages is that under socialism each man is to receive "according to his work," whereas under Communism each will receive "according to his needs." Communism in this narrow sense cannot be the immediate goal of a Communist Party when it captures power from a social and political order based on private property, but it must become so when the Party claims to have "built a socialist society." It is the claim of the Russian Communists, announced officially by Khrushchev at the Twenty-first Party Congress in January of this year, that this has now happened in the Soviet Union and that "having built a socialist society, the Soviet people has entered the new stage of historical development in which socialism develops into Communism."
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Much of the discussion in Western countries today of the problem of relations with world Communism centers around the recent disintegration of that extreme concentration of power in Moscow which characterized the Communist bloc in the immediate aftermath of the Second World War, and the emergence in its place of a plurality of independent or partially independent centers of political authority within the bloc: the growth, in other words, of what has come to be described as "polycentrism." There is widespread recognition that this process represents a fundamental change in the nature of world Communism as a political force on the world scene; and there is an instinctive awareness throughout Western opinion that no change of this order could fail to have important connotations for Western policy. But just what these connotations are is a question on which much uncertainty and confusion still prevail.
THE dominating ideology in the international labor movement in the West is still Socialist, but a Socialism with a new look. Marxism has been discarded, although more by force of circumstances than conscious design, and the movement is still influenced by some Marxian reasoning; but, in general, Western Socialism has ceased to be class conscious and become reformist. It seeks the welfare state, but not revolution.
In ten short years since Joseph Stalin's death a once potent revolutionary force has disintegrated into two mutually hostile phalanxes linked only by ritualistic proclamations of unity: an orthodox international Communism headed by Mao Tse-tung, and a revisionist international Communism led by Nikita Khrushchev. There is no coöperation between the Soviet and the Chinese leaders; no collaboration in actual policies; no coördination of a general outlook. The alliance as an active political force is dead.

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