EDWIN O. REISCHAUER, Professor of Japanese History, Harvard University; Director, Harvard-Yenching Institute; former Special Assistant in the Office of Far Eastern Affairs, Department of State; author of "The United States and Japan," "Wanted: An Asian Policy" and other works
THE rioting crowds that clamored at the gates of the Japanese Diet building in May and June and the throngs of Zengakuren students who snake-danced wildly down the streets of Tokyo and swarmed over Hagerty's car at Haneda Airport have given pause to many persons in both the United States and Japan. To Americans, who saw these scenes on their television screens, it seems that Japan stands irresolute at a way station between the Communist camp and the free world. Many Japanese who participated in this drama or watched it unfold on their own television screens feel even more strongly that their country stands at a crossroads of history--but to them, the diverging roads lead, not to Communist or democratic camps, but to somewhat vaguer goals labeled "peace" and "war" or "democracy" and "Fascism."
It is perhaps this sharp contrast in images of the situation between Americans and Japanese that is the most alarming feature of the recent crisis. Never since the end of the war has the gap in understanding between Americans and Japanese been wider than over this incident. Almost to a man, American observers express bafflement over the violent Japanese reaction to the revised Security Treaty with the United States and Eisenhower's scheduled visit, while Japanese intellectuals appear frustrated over their inability to explain their attitude to American friends. After 15 years of massive contact, Americans and Japanese seem to have less real communication than ever.
One point on which all would agree is that, whatever the basic motives and immediate inciting forces, the demonstrations and riots of May and June were expressions of wide opposition to the Security Treaty and any military link with the United States. Virtually all of the demonstrators would have liked to see at least a postponement of the ratification of the treaty, and the great majority wanted the treaty killed and the present military link with the United States, together with the existing American bases in Japan, either eliminated at once or else ended in stages...
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OF THE islands of the Pacific Ocean, a large proportion are now held, not under the complete sovereignty of any power, but as Mandates under the supervision of a group of nations. The problem of these Pacific Mandates raised one of the most acute issues at the Paris Conference in 1919; one of them has more recently been the cause of severe international friction between the United States and Japan; while of the others, the United States still contests the validity of their title.
GEOPOLITIK DES PAZIFISCHEN OZEANS. BY KARL HAUSHOFER. Berlin: Vowinckel, 1924.
ONE of the methods which Karl Haushofer uses to hammer his ideas into the minds of his readers is the constant repetition of simple truths. He likes, for instance, to quote a remark by the English geographer and statesman, Sir Thomas Holdich, about "the absolutely immeasurable cost of geographical ignorance." And he never tires of citing Ovid's "fas est ab hoste doceri" (it is right to learn from the enemy), and Disraeli's "at last the best informed one wins."
THE Panay incident is closed. The Secretary of State accepted from Japan an apology, somewhat evasive but less so than any ever before offered by that country to a foreign Power. The apology was coupled with some face-saving falsehoods which every one recognized as such and which were not allowed to pass unchallenged. But the incident is closed and with it another chapter of our Far Eastern policy. With far less provocation, the United States has in other days resorted to hostilities in a dozen places in the Caribbean area and in the Far East.

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