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These two books ponder the changes taking place in the strategic environment of Asia and come to similar conclusions about how the United States should respond to them.
Pyongyang is well on the way to mastering the technologies it needs to build a deliverable nuclear weapon. But the contributors to this volume argue convincingly that little will change when North Korea crosses that threshold.
The Chinese middle class has not pushed for democracy because it depends on the state-dominated economy for its prosperity, it is relatively satisfied with the state’s provision of urban services, and it fears the disruptive potential of the lower classes, which still form a large majority.
The short-lived Japanese empire (1895–1945) espoused a confused and contested ideology. One of its strands was assimilationist; the other, racist.
With each new generation of leaders since Tiananmen, outside observers and many Chinese have hoped for a period of liberalizing political reform. Instead, each successive head of state -- Jiang Zemin, Hu Jintao, and now Xi Jinping -- has restricted freedom further. China will likely eventually democratize. But with every passing year, doing so gets more dangerous for the regime because the bottled-up social pressure has only increased. And so democratization is postponed again and again.
Conventional wisdom has long held that the Maoist system of totalitarianism differed from its Soviet counterpart by relying solely on the mobilized masses to dispense terror. That turns out to be wrong.
Osburg, an American anthropologist, spent time with and observed successful Chinese businessmen in Sichuan’s capital city, Chengdu. He found that corruption in China is hard work.
Multilateral regimes are increasingly important in regulating how states relate to one another, but India’s engagement has been limited.
These two source books give readers access to the emerging field of Tibetan studies, which challenges the popular image of Tibet as an isolated land of changeless wisdom.
Three generations of Ronnings have been involved with China; their letters, diaries, and family photos allow Topping to tell their stories in moving detail.
As economic and technological changes are shrinking the Asian maritime commons, most of the littoral countries are building up their navies and coast guards.
This book rings alarm bells about technology theft on a scale that the authors say is unprecedented in history and that they believe has strategic implications.
China’s attempt to consolidate its control over Tibet through modernization has gone tragically awry.
Jager’s magisterial history of the Korean War incorporates all the latest research, material from newly opened archives, and lots of photographs.
Shambaugh’s masterful survey of China’s presence on the world scene shows that in every field -- diplomatic, economic, military, and cultural -- Beijing’s influence, although growing, remains limited.
To explain his commitment to confronting Cambodia’s entrenched elite in the face of legal persecution and assassination attempts, Sam Rainsy has written a far-ranging autobiography.
Chinese media have changed since the gray days of Maoism.
Mitter applies historical empathy to yield fresh insights into the situations of all the actors in the horrific conflict that the Chinese call the War of Resistance Against Japan, which lasted from 1937 to 1945.
Among a growing number of websites and e-mail newsletters providing insight on China, the China Story stands out for the richness of its coverage of Chinese culture and history.
India has experienced two decades of rapid economic growth, yet half of Indian households lack indoor toilets, nearly 40 percent of the country’s adults are illiterate, and 43 percent of its children are underweight.
Jayal argues that India’s history as a society built on the exclusionary logics of castes and tribes continues to clash with its self-image as an inclusive democracy.
Laruelle and Peyrouse’s travels in Central Asia revealed that these states view the Shanghai Cooperation Organization as marginal to their main security worries, their pragmatic accommodation with China buttressed more than anything else by the economic benefits that the arrangement offers corrupt elites.
Dikotter probes beneath the surface of what some still see as a relatively benign early phase of Mao’s rule, when the Communists restored political order and the economy, combated social evils, and allowed a modicum of personal freedom. He reveals the cost of what he calls a policy of “calculated terror and systematic violence.”
Jager’s magisterial history of the Korean War argues that the bitterness of the conflict helped harden Cold War antagonisms in Asia. Armstrong's rich analysis shows how North Korea has so often managed to dominate the region’s diplomatic agenda.
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