Andrew Moravcsik

Recently, some political scientists have investigated how Europeans hurt by international economic integration now mobilize around issues such as immigration and European integration.

This book chronicles five centuries of diplomacy, alliances, and war -- all aimed, Simms argues, at asserting or blocking dominance of the European continent.

Europe's most eminent public intellectual, the German social theorist Habermas, here addresses the most important problem facing the continent: the legitimacy of European integration.

Clark, a history professor at Cambridge University, concedes the importance of basic structural causes, such as rigid alliance commitments; the temptations of preventive war on a rapidly growing, militarized continent; and the peculiarities of authoritarian decision-making. Yet he believes that such forces alone cannot explain the war and might just as likely have led to peace.

Can European countries maintain their diverse social welfare institutions? To answer this question, the authors of this readable and insightful book move beyond simplistic pessimism about generous social welfare policies.

Mourlon-Druol considers the 1979 creation of the European Monetary System, the predecessor of the eurozone. He argues that the earlier system was weaker than it seemed, because participating governments disagreed about economic priorities -- just as they do now. James picks up the story, explaining how European governments agreed to a large-scale monetary integration in 1991 and then enacted it a decade later. Both books add pieces to what is likely to be an important historiographical puzzle for some years to come.

Carr argues that a combination of internal liberalization and external hardening has increased criminal, abusive, and often deadly human trafficking, while only modestly reducing immigration.

Emmott writes clearly and succinctly. His bottom line: the current crisis could purge Italy of its evil dealings and spur labor, budgetary, and regulatory reforms.

True to his reputation, Chirac comes across as likable, unpretentious, and intelligent. He describes with equal charm and ease his first sexual experience, the intricacies of European agricultural policies, and the pettiness of former French President Valéry Giscard d’Estaing.

This stream-of-consciousness autobiography describes -- in excessive detail for most non-French readers -- how gossipy and trivial Lanzmann's life had become, and then how the rediscovery of his Jewish heritage restored its focus.

Many tough problems facing modern democracies require that immediate pain be inflicted on citizens in exchange for broader, long-term benefits. Jacobs argues that in order to succeed in managing these “intertemporal policy choices,” politicians must surmount three political challenges: focusing the attention of voters, correctly predicting positive long-term trends, and committing to policy solutions even when they are opposed by influential interest groups.

Volkov believes Rathenau’s inner turmoil stemmed largely from his Jewishness, which set him apart. Yet perhaps Volkov underestimates how much Rathenau was a man of his times.