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Hunt argues that the social and cultural theories that have dominated the field of national histories since the 1950s have grown stale. She therefore sees the recent turn toward “global history” as a promising trend.
Has human rights law and activism actually improved people’s lives? In this sharply argued book, Posner answers no.
Acharya argues that rising non-Western states, such as China and India, hold different values from Western states and do not agree among themselves about what a post-American order should look like. He foresees the emergence of a “multiplex” world, in which countries and regions will all (metaphorically) go to the same movie theater but end up watching different films.
Commentators on international affairs often assume that authoritarian states tend to pursue unpredictable and aggressive foreign policies. Weeks demonstrates that this simplistic view misses important variations in how autocrats make decisions about the use of force—a process that often involves a surprising amount of domestic accountability.
In this second volume of his masterful study of political development, Fukuyama explores how different states have found various ways to combine the three key components of political order: state institutions, democratic accountability, and the rule of law. He pays the most attention to the United States, which represented the vanguard of political development throughout the twentieth century but is now beset by “political decay.”
The idea of civilization is often seen as old-fashioned, invoked by Europeans in the nineteenth century. But Bowden argues that the idea of civilization still lurks in the interventionist worldviews of many Western thinkers and leaders.
In this illuminating study, MacDonald argues that the success of imperial conquest during the colonial era hinged less on brute power than on the ability of European states to build and exploit social ties with elites among the colonized.
Fawcett traces the liberal tradition from its origins in nineteenth-century Europe, to its historic union with democracy early in the twentieth century, to its near-fatal collapse after World War I and the Great Depression, and culminating in its triumph and spread in the decades after World War II.
The contributors to this volume affirm the importance of promoting the rule of law in troubled and transitional societies, using tools such as foreign aid and technical assistance.
In this landmark study, Tooze offers an elegant account of the reordering of great-power relations that took place after World War I, at the dawn of “the American century.”
These two recent books offer competing but complementary visions of the past, present, and future of government.
The effort to project Western liberal ideas onto the international system has been marked by tensions, dilemmas, tradeoffs, and contradictions.
As the idea of global governance takes root, governments increasingly take pains to be seen as following the law -- a development that has greatly increased the power of international courts and judges.
Reich and Lebow have joined a long list of writers who have announced the end of U.S. hegemony and the coming of the next world order.
Glanville shows that the idea that sovereign states should enjoy the absolute right of autonomous self-government and nonintervention was not present at the creation of the Westphalian system.
In this lively little book, Kenny argues that the United States should embrace, not resist, a world in which “the rest” catch up with the West.
This is the most original and thought-provoking forecast of the future of world politics to be published in recent years.
In Held and Roger’s view, the world faces a growing “governance gap.”
In sweeping narratives, Iriye and his collaborators highlight the profound ways in which transnational forces -- trade, investment, immigration, and so on -- have transformed human consciousness.
China, Iran, and Russia are not determined to undo the post–Cold War settlement. They are not full-scale revisionist powers but, at most, part-time spoilers. The United States is far more powerful and has built a robust liberal world order countries need to integrate with in order to succeed.
Reus-Smit argues that most accounts of the rise of nation-states fail to explain why people wanted independent statehood in the first place. His answer is human rights.
With this volume, Michael Mann, a renowned historical sociologist, completes his magisterial survey of power and society across human history.
Mazlish captures the changing ways that Western societies have understood the self and visualized the world as they moved from medieval to modern life.
Over the decades, states and organizations have established a large body of international human rights law. But does it really influence the way governments behave?
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