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Chellaney sketches a bleak picture of water scarcity in Africa, Asia, and the Middle East and speculates whether the social and environmental stresses of water shortage could lead to conflict and armed violence.
In this book Collier explores the economics and politics of global migration and offers a surprising and controversial case for restricting it.
This book provides a useful contribution to debates about democracy promotion by looking at what Kurki deems the “hidden” assumptions about political change that inform discussions of the topic.
Hafner-Burton’s sober message is that human rights promotion cannot be separated from the daunting task of building stable, rule-based societies.
For thousands of years, people have been launching themselves onto water to fish, trade, fight, and explore -- and doing so in ways that have profoundly shaped human institutions and the rise and decline of civilizations.
Wimmer’s major contribution is to demonstrate how the spread of the nation-state generated violence and war.
Rosecrance urges the United States to pursue a grand strategy of trade and economic integration, this time focused on the creation of a massive economic union with Europe.
This iconoclastic book takes issue with the conventional view that global security requires strong states capable of policing borders and enforcing order.
Hall notes that there are limits to how diverse a stable and well-functioning society can be: some minimal agreement must exist over certain essentials, such as respect for the rule of law and an abhorrence of violence.
Unlike earlier periods when democracies faltered, such as the 1930s, today democracy is waning in every region of the world, and many countries where democratic rule is fading are regional powers, such as Kenya, Mexico, Nigeria, and Russia, which harms the prospects for democracy in surrounding countries.
In recent years, Katzenstein, a renowned scholar of international relations, has advanced a strikingly new vision of civilizations, contending that although civilizations exist and are important, they are not really actors. Rather, they are loose, pluralistic systems of belief and identity.
Choucri has put together a systematic guide to cyberspace issues, informed by international relations theory.
In this short but persuasive book, Goldin argues that the institutions of postwar global governance—the UN, the International Monetary Fund, and the World Bank—are increasingly incapable of managing the instabilities created by global interdependence.
For over half a century, Germany and Japan have struggled to put World War II behind them. Berger has produced one of the most sophisticated and sensitive treatments yet about how these two countries have contended with their troubled histories.
Here, a team of American and European scholars makes one of the best efforts yet to identify the norms of hegemonic and great-power responsibility by examining three “problem areas” in contemporary world politics: nonproliferation, climate change, and international financial regulation.
In this useful little book, Pifer and O’Hanlon call for reviving nuclear arms control, arguing that Washington should build on the 2010 New START agreement, between the United States and Russia.
Surveying the hardest cases in U.S. foreign policy, Etzioni presents himself as a sort of referee, clarifying the debates and identifying reasonable paths forward. In this collection, his essays on China are particularly penetrating.
It has become commonplace to observe that power is shifting: from states to nonstate actors, from institutions to networks, and so on. In this fascinating book, Naím makes the more provocative claim that power is, in fact, declining.
In this eloquent and searching portrait of today’s transforming global order, Mahbubani argues that the world is only a few steps away from a global governance system that will unite regions, civilizations, and great powers.
The authors collected here argue that the United States should pursue a peacetime “competitive strategy” by arraying defense forces in Asia, staying ahead of Chinese military modernization, and looking for ways to exploit Chinese vulnerabilities and weaknesses.
Bracken argues that since the end of the Cold War, a second nuclear age has begun, defined by an unstable, dangerous “multipolar nuclear order” in which the prevention of nuclear war no longer hinges exclusively on clearheaded security calculations on the part of Moscow and Washington.
Berggruen and Gardels’ central claim is that the era of American-led globalization is giving way to a new era of more “inclusive” globalization, creating profound crises of domestic and international governance. China and other countries in the East are catching up with the West, but their technocratic, authoritarian regimes increasingly suffer from political illegitimacy and corruption.
In this engaging book, Dobson reports from such outposts of despotism as China, Malaysia, Russia, and Venezuela, detailing authoritarian regimes that are remarkably sophisticated in resisting the formidable forces that have put illiberal states on the defensive.
In recent years, rising non-Western states have begun to seek greater roles in the running of the global order. But how do they understand that order? This valuable collection explores thinking about foreign policy in China, India, Iran, Japan, and Russia.
Now, more than ever, the United States might be tempted to pull back from the world. That would be a mistake, since an engaged grand strategy has served the country exceptionally well for the past six decades -- helping prevent the outbreak of conflict in the world’s most important regions, keeping the global economy humming, and facilitating international cooperation.
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