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As Hyde notes, the practice of inviting foreign observers to monitor elections has become so widespread that it has turned into an international norm.
The book seeks to explain the bias in American foreign policy toward threats and punishments and argues that it is a legacy of the Cold War, which taught politicians to worry about charges of appeasement.
In this rendering, it was not containment that won the Cold War but the relentless efforts of activists, journalists, lawyers, minority-rights advocates, and diplomats who worked across borders to set the stage for the political earthquakes that followed.
Reiss’ important book offers some of the most lucid and sensible reflections yet on the topic.
This volume is an engaging survey of what is known and not known about the causes and consequences of democratization.
This book argues that war in general is on the decline.
Sikkink traces the evolution in the reigning orthodoxy about states and human right violations, the result of a series of shifts in international legal standards and practices.
This enjoyably sprawling history of “the rise of the West,” written for a general audience, follows in the footsteps of major works by such scholars as John Darwin, Jared Diamond, William NcNeill, and Douglass North.
Before complaining about China’s refusal to buy into the liberal world order, argues Amitai Etzioni, the West should stop moving the goalposts by developing new norms of intervention, such as “the responsibility to protect.” G. John Ikenberry responds that Beijing already has more than enough inducement to sign up.
This important collection brings together historians attempting to chronicle the contested path Enlightenment ideas about human rights took as they made their way across the centuries and into the heart of contemporary world politics.
Fisher’s main interest is in identifying the changing moral choices and circumstances that confront contemporary would-be war-makers.
Snyder argues that religion can alter the basic patterns of international relations: who the actors are, what they want, what capacities they have to attract support, and what rules they follow.
This little book by the late historian Diggins seeks to explain Niebuhr’s continuing appeal.
Barnett’s point is that humanitarianism is a “creature of the world it aspires to civilize,” rather than some sort of abstract ideal that unfolds amid the chaos and violence of world politics.
International orders guide how major powers interact with one another and with less powerful states: how they cooperate and compete in trade and security and when and why they respect one another’s sovereignty. Ikenberry’s important book tackles this complex subject, giving readers a deep understanding of the factors that determine the type of international order.
As the United States' relative power declines, will the open and rule-based liberal international order Washington has championed since the 1940s start to erode? Probably not. That order is alive and well. China and other emerging powers will not seek to undermine the system; instead, they will try to gain more leadership within it.
In this collection of essays, leading diplomatic historians and international relations theorists explore the limits of realist theory in explaining why great powers do what they do.
This important book presents fascinating empirical findings that explain why some countries have become democracies and others have not, and why some democratic breakthroughs have endured and others have slid backward.
In this book, Fettweis argues that a deeper transformation has occurred in the way citizens of great powers think about large-scale war.
In this lively chronicle of the last three decades, Rachman rgues that the 2008 financial crisis "changed the logic of international relations," ushering in a new era marked by a dysfunctional world economy and intensifying "zero-sum" geopolitical rivalries.
Fukuyama is best known for his reflections on "the end of history," but with this landmark study, he turns to history's beginning, tracing the origins and trajectories of political order from prehistoric times to the French Revolution.
In this provocatively revisionist history, Moyn claims that the decisive move toward human rights occurred more recently than previously thought.
Although Malloch-Brown calls for a new "global social contract," the book's account of three decades of laboring within the halls of bureaucracies suggests that muddling through may be the most one can expect.
In Khanna's vision, the world is not becoming multipolar so much as it is becoming fractured and ungovernable.
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