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Glanville shows that the idea that sovereign states should enjoy the absolute right of autonomous self-government and nonintervention was not present at the creation of the Westphalian system.
In this lively little book, Kenny argues that the United States should embrace, not resist, a world in which “the rest” catch up with the West.
This is the most original and thought-provoking forecast of the future of world politics to be published in recent years.
In Held and Roger’s view, the world faces a growing “governance gap.”
In sweeping narratives, Iriye and his collaborators highlight the profound ways in which transnational forces -- trade, investment, immigration, and so on -- have transformed human consciousness.
China, Iran, and Russia are not determined to undo the post–Cold War settlement. They are not full-scale revisionist powers but, at most, part-time spoilers. The United States is far more powerful and has built a robust liberal world order countries need to integrate with in order to succeed.
Reus-Smit argues that most accounts of the rise of nation-states fail to explain why people wanted independent statehood in the first place. His answer is human rights.
With this volume, Michael Mann, a renowned historical sociologist, completes his magisterial survey of power and society across human history.
Mazlish captures the changing ways that Western societies have understood the self and visualized the world as they moved from medieval to modern life.
Over the decades, states and organizations have established a large body of international human rights law. But does it really influence the way governments behave?
This book represents one of the best efforts yet to understand why interstate wars emerge, persist, and, most important, end.
In recent years, Katzenstein, a renowned scholar of international relations, has advanced a strikingly new vision of civilizations, contending that although civilizations exist and are important, they are not really actors. Rather, they are loose, pluralistic systems of belief and identity.
Barber sees cities as the best hope for solving global problems and safeguarding democracy.
Miller, who recently served as the U.S. National Security Council’s director for Afghanistan and Pakistan, assesses efforts to rebuild failed states through armed intervention.
This useful collection examines what happened when intellectuals in one country grappled with the ideas of another.
In seeking to prevent violence, liberal interventionists are creating new legal and moral justifications for the use of force around the world.
Chellaney sketches a bleak picture of water scarcity in Africa, Asia, and the Middle East and speculates whether the social and environmental stresses of water shortage could lead to conflict and armed violence.
In this book Collier explores the economics and politics of global migration and offers a surprising and controversial case for restricting it.
This book provides a useful contribution to debates about democracy promotion by looking at what Kurki deems the “hidden” assumptions about political change that inform discussions of the topic.
Hafner-Burton’s sober message is that human rights promotion cannot be separated from the daunting task of building stable, rule-based societies.
For thousands of years, people have been launching themselves onto water to fish, trade, fight, and explore -- and doing so in ways that have profoundly shaped human institutions and the rise and decline of civilizations.
Wimmer’s major contribution is to demonstrate how the spread of the nation-state generated violence and war.
This iconoclastic book takes issue with the conventional view that global security requires strong states capable of policing borders and enforcing order.
Hall notes that there are limits to how diverse a stable and well-functioning society can be: some minimal agreement must exist over certain essentials, such as respect for the rule of law and an abhorrence of violence.
Unlike earlier periods when democracies faltered, such as the 1930s, today democracy is waning in every region of the world, and many countries where democratic rule is fading are regional powers, such as Kenya, Mexico, Nigeria, and Russia, which harms the prospects for democracy in surrounding countries.
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