Nothing has bedeviled U.S. foreign policy more since the end of the Cold War than how to deal with a collection of despotic, hostile, and dangerous middle-tier states, such as Iran and North Korea. In this lucid and thoughtful book, Litwak compares the performances of the George W. Bush and Obama administrations in handling such foes.
In the aftermaths of the Napoleonic Wars and the two world wars, the Western great powers made repeated efforts to build a world order that would establish peace and protect their interests, organized around various types of international bodies. Mazower is interested in why they did this.
Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) are increasingly integral to the governance of the global system: monitoring elections, investigating human rights abuses, providing humanitarian assistance, and certifying good business behavior. But who or what ensures that these transnational groups themselves act ethically? In one of the best studies yet of this conundrum, the editors of this volume concede that no global judicial bodies supervise the conduct of NGOs.
What were the economic and geopolitical forces that led great powers to build empires and colonize distant peoples? And why did those empires later give way to movements for independence and self-determination? This provocative book by a young political scientist advances a rationalist theory of imperialism that sees all states as “revenue maximizers.”
The book is a sort of travelogue, laced with local histories and colorful personalities. But it lacks a unifying argument about why some diverse places thrive and others erupt in violence.
Observing that leading states cannot lead unless following states follow, the editors of this volume argue that small and weak states actually have a continuum of strategies available to them, ranging from opposition to acquiescence.
Mainstream theories of international cooperation posit that states build and operate within multilateral institutions to overcome problems of collective action. Taking a contrarian view, Rathbun argues that cooperation is better seen as a reflection of the beliefs people have about the trustworthiness of others.
Ford argues that human rights are best advanced when they are turned into steady, pragmatic efforts to tackle injustice in specific political settings.
These two conservative legal scholars worry that globalization threatens to undermine American political and legal institutions.
Rothkopf’s sprawling book narrates the centuries-long tug of war between private commercial interests and public purpose, from the age of Adam Smith through the rise of the modern-era multinational corporation.
“For the first time in seven decades, we live in a world without global leadership,” Bremmer writes, unveiling a bleak portrait of a chaotic and ungoverned global order in which the G-7 countries are in decline.
Doyle is best known for his seminal essays on democratic peace theory, which have shaped debates about liberalism and war for an entire generation of scholars. Readers will not find a better guide to liberal internationalism and its theoretical rivals than this collection of his writings from the past three decades.
The unwinding of the Iraq war and the killing of Osama bin Laden have marked a symbolic end to the post-9/11 “war on terror.” What has not ended is the public debate over how the United States and other democracies can best square their commitment to civil liberties and the rule of law with protection against terrorism.
If fragile and failed states are the problem, nation-state building is the solution. But this important study led by Risse, a German political scientist, demonstrates that many parts of the world will not soon or easily be transformed into capable modern states.
In this provocative but carefully argued study, Parent makes the case that states create political unions only when they are imperiled by security threats.
This masterful treatise by Teitel, a law professor at New York University, offers one of the best explanations yet of the complex, shifting normative foundations of international law.
As Hyde notes, the practice of inviting foreign observers to monitor elections has become so widespread that it has turned into an international norm.
The book seeks to explain the bias in American foreign policy toward threats and punishments and argues that it is a legacy of the Cold War, which taught politicians to worry about charges of appeasement.
In this rendering, it was not containment that won the Cold War but the relentless efforts of activists, journalists, lawyers, minority-rights advocates, and diplomats who worked across borders to set the stage for the political earthquakes that followed.
Reiss’ important book offers some of the most lucid and sensible reflections yet on the topic.
This volume is an engaging survey of what is known and not known about the causes and consequences of democratization.
This book argues that war in general is on the decline.
This enjoyably sprawling history of “the rise of the West,” written for a general audience, follows in the footsteps of major works by such scholars as John Darwin, Jared Diamond, William NcNeill, and Douglass North.
Sikkink traces the evolution in the reigning orthodoxy about states and human right violations, the result of a series of shifts in international legal standards and practices.