Q&A With Andrew Natsios on Sudan
This week, Andrew Natsios answers questions submitted by readers about what the United States and others can do to bring peace and humanitarian relief to Sudan.
ANDREW NATSIOS is Distinguished Professor in the Practice of Diplomacy at the Walsh School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University and was U.S. Special Envoy to Sudan in 2006–7.
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The ICC's latest move against the Sudanese president will harden Khartoum's stance, push Darfuri rebels to make unreasonable demands, and raise expectations in Sudan -- complicating efforts to secure peace and justice.
ReadWhile the crisis in Darfur simmers, the larger problem of Sudan's survival as a state is becoming increasingly urgent. Old tensions between the Arabs of the Nile River valley, who have held power for a century, and marginalized groups on the country's periphery are turning into a national crisis. Engagement with Khartoum may be the only way to avert another civil war in Sudan, and even that may not be enough.
ReadA: Too much emphasis has been put on Bashir -- the regime is an oligarchy, not a one-person dictatorship. His entire party is the problem: if he were removed but his party still in power, little would change inside the country. In some ways, Bashir is more moderate than other elements of the ruling party, which stonewalled the North-South peace agreement that he ultimately supported despite his party's objections.
The Chinese are engaging constructively, but they do so very quietly, which is their diplomatic style. The reason the government of Sudan ultimately accepted the UN peacekeeping force (now two-thirds deployed) is because of Chinese pressure. The Chinese have a vested interest in peace in Sudan and have played an increasingly active and constructive role, which the United States should continue to encourage; the U.S. government should continue to work with them cooperatively.
Claire Bannerman: From 1985 to 1987, I lived in Nairobi, Kenya. From 1994 to 1995, I volunteered at the Center of Concern. Sudan was in dire straits then, and the UN was very much aware of the needs of the Sudanese people. We have the dedication of some terrific people who give their lives to improving the world's worst situations, so my question is: Why does it take so long?
A: Sadly, everything in Sudan moves in slow motion (except the killing of civilians) probably because of the paralysis of the political system, its internal divisions and dysfunctions, and because of the very weak political institutions of the country.
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The ICC's latest move against the Sudanese president will harden Khartoum's stance, push Darfuri rebels to make unreasonable demands, and raise expectations in Sudan -- complicating efforts to secure peace and justice.
The world's newest country has become the U.N.'s pet project: an experiment in "nation-building." With its resilient political culture, East Timor is unusually well suited to the project. But the U.N. is finding that governing is harder than separating warring parties -- especially when the country has been razed to the ground. And popular resentment is mounting. Rebuilding East Timor physically will be the easy part. Creating a democracy from scratch will be far more difficult.
As western Sudan continues to suffer, much international attention has focused on whether to call what is happening there "genocide." Yet once the term was invoked, it did not trigger outside intervention. Terminology turns out to matter far less than was expected. And once more, the world has dithered while people die.

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