Soft on Sein
In its rush to fete Myanmar's president, Thein Sein, and capitalize on the country's tentative opening, the international community has turned a blind eye toward the ongoing repression of minorities and the continued political dominance of the military. In doing so, it has given up much of its leverage over Sein at the very time when it should be pushing for clearer commitments to reconciliation and democracy.
ERIC RANDOLPH is a freelance reporter and analyst for IHS Jane's.
Alongside Myanmar's political reforms, tens of billions of dollars of foreign direct investment are flowing into the country. But investors chasing high returns have overwhelmed fragile, newly opened economies in the past, and Rangoon's undeveloped financial sector, fledgling commodities market, and weak governance structures all warrant caution.
A woman holds a Myanmar national flag and a poster of President Thein Sein. (Soe Zeya Tun)
Since Thein Sein became president of Myanmar (also called Burma) two years ago, he has won international praise for his attempts at democratic reforms. He has received historic visits from Western leaders, including U.S. President Barack Obama. UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon has praised Sein for “his vision, leadership, and courage to put Myanmar on the path to change.” And last year, Foreign Policy magazine named him Thinker of the Year. Now, the International Crisis Group (ICG) plans to present him with its In Pursuit of Peace award at a gala dinner in New York City in April, for having “transformed the lives of millions and brought us closer to a world free of conflict.”
A world away, in the remote mountainous region of Kachin in northern Myanmar, news of the peace award was greeted with horror. Lives in Kachin have indeed been transformed, but not for the better. Up to 100,000 have fled their homes since the Burmese military reengaged with Kachin rebels in June 2011, just three months after the new president took office. Human Rights Watch has documented the extensive use of “sexual violence, forced labour, torture and summary executions” by the Burmese military. One woman I met in a refugee camp along the Chinese border recounted how Burmese soldiers hacked off her husband’s legs with a machete before shooting him in the head. He was a paddy farmer who had returned to his village to tend his crop.
All this has had little effect on Sein’s positive reputation within the international community, which is willing to ignore the war in Kachin for three reasons: Sein deserves praise for reforms in other parts of the country, he has sought cease-fires with other ethnic rebel groups, and he is engaged in a struggle against military “hard-liners” that requires international support.
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Critics accused U.S. President Barack Obama of acting prematurely by traveling to Myanmar, a country whose democratic transition is still woefully incomplete. But the real reason for the rapid thaw in U.S.-Myanmar ties is geopolitical: both countries want to offset China’s influence in the region.
Alongside Myanmar's political reforms, tens of billions of dollars of foreign direct investment are flowing into the country. But investors chasing high returns have overwhelmed fragile, newly opened economies in the past, and Rangoon's undeveloped financial sector, fledgling commodities market, and weak governance structures all warrant caution.
