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Account of the work of the CIA, discussing in some detail the nature of the relationship between the intelligence-gatherer and the policy-maker. Since the 1970s the CIA has provided intelligence to Congress as well as to the executive, so that it now "finds itself in a remarkable position, involuntarily poised nearly equidistant" between them. It has not however abused this freedom of action, probably unique among world intelligence agencies, so as to 'cook' intelligence. CIA deputy director.
Reviews the relationship between these US offices, with particular reference to Reagan's presidency, and the vicissitudes of his secretaries. Calls for the restoration of mutual respect between the White House and the State Department, and puts forward some principles and practices on which this could be based. Concludes that "what matters is whose advice, written or unwritten, the president ultimately values the most on any given issue".
Reviews foreign policy issues confronting the USA from a Republican (i.e. generally conservative) angle. Calls for bi-partisanship in support of (1) ABM treaty plus SDI (or some variant thereof) (2) strengthening NATO (3) expanding the Reagan doctrine in the Third World to give political and economic support for market-oriented democracies. Cites the Philippines as a case where promotion of democracy and national security went hand-in-hand.
Reviews foreign policy issues confronting the USA from a Democratic (i.e. generally progressive) point of view, by means of an occasionally combative critique of Reagan's 'unilateralist' foreign policy (e.g. concern with Nicaragua rather than with Latin-American debt) and of its over-reliance on covert action. Western Europe is 'safe enough' from Soviet invasion and Star Wars "is not only a fantasy but a fraud". Presents his party as that of 'responsible internationalism', and concludes with a resumé of its trade policy.
Reviews the constitutional relationship between the US president and Congress in the area of foreign affairs, and of war and peace in particular. There is a sizeable twilight zone of concurrent authority. Reviews constitutional developments and considers their implications for war powers, nuclear strategy, spending powers, covert actions and treaty-making. Notes that the USA is a republic which has become a democracy, and concludes that although the president provides leadership, Congress represents the people, so that "good government as well as democracy demands fewer decisions by one representative alone, for war or in peace."
The Republic of South Africa is both engaging in a 'vicious and ugly' civil war and 'waging an undeclared war against its neighbours'. After reviewing RSA intervention in Mozambique and Angola, and arguing that the front-line states are opposed to apartheid, not to whites or to Western interests, calls for US policy-makers to match words with deeds, namely by backing a policy of economic sanctions. Then prime minister, now president of Zimbabwe.
Reviews Panamanian affairs since the signing of the Canal Treaty in 1978, with particular reference to the electoral fraud of 1984 and to the conduct of Noriega since then (corruption and repression), together with opposition reaction thereto. Describes Panama's economic crisis and some shifts in US policy towards the country. Concludes with proposals to avert national disaster and to return to democracy. Vice-presidential candidate in 1984, for the opposition coalition.
US-Japanese relations, which have always been volatile, are at present strained by the trade imbalance, and by confused US attitudes to the development of Japanese military capability. Policy-makers in both countries have taken an acrimonious view. Washington seems to lack a Japanese policy, while Tokyo is dominated by the interest-group politics of the LDP factions. Suggests that a permanent 'wise men's commission' be drawn from both sides, to recommend fair solutions to trade issues, thus taking them out of the hands of particular interests.
Reviews events in Indonesia since independence in 1945, noting the political cohesion of the archipelago and the economic down-turn, which led to devaluation and foreign debt. Despite this, the ruling GOLKAR won 73% of the vote in 1987, partly because of the authoritarian nature of the regime and partly because there was no satisfactory alternative. The test for GOLKAR will come when President Suharto leaves office. "The country's size and resources will in the long run guarantee greater awareness" of it among Americans.
Recounts the history of ideology in the USSR since 1918, claiming that "seventy years after the Bolshevik revolution, ideology in the USSR has reached its nadir". Marxism-Leninism has failed to describe either national or international reality. "The Soviet regime has lost its ideological legitimacy". Outlines three ideological alternatives for the future (1) success of Gorbachev's policies (2) Russian nationalism (3) neo-Stalinism.