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Instead of being a participant in the balance-of-power competition between nations, the USA must henceforward, in recognition of the post-cold War environment of 'pragmatic trans-nationalism', develop a foreign policy concept which involves a greater degree of co-operation with security partners.
Presents the Zionist case against an independent Palestinian state and argues, on historical and security grounds, for Israeli retention of control over the Golan Heights, the West Bank and Gaza.
The USA should not make the same mistake with Syrian President Assad, that it made with Iraq's Saddam Hussain. "Assad now needs US favor more than the reverse. Yet he will try to induce Washington to pay him for allowing himself to be helped; this must not happen. US-Syrian relations can prosper only if American officials adhere to positions that are morally grounded and politically sound".
The USA's success in organizing the victory over Iraq should not induce a false perception of the nature of US influence over Middle East affairs. This is set to become weaker than it has been, and US policy should make use of its current leverage to (1) lay a foundation for stronger UN influence in the future (2) construct a mechanism to restrict the flow of arms into the region.
The military technology which played such an important role in the US-led victory over Iraq was built and deployed during the 1980s, but "was largely conceived and developed during the 1970s". Explains and discusses the defence policy objectives and procurement priorities which launched this resurgence of US military technology -- the 'offset strategy', whose central concept was that of compensation for numerical inferiority through 'force multiplier' effects, chiefly in regard to C3I ('situational awareness'), defence suppression (EW) and precision guidance. The USA should take care not to nullify the offset strategy by wanton arms transfers.
Though nuclear weapons were not exploded in the coalition war against Iraq, they were 'used' in the sense of deterring use of chemical weapons by Iraq; however, US warnings might perhaps have been more carefully phrased, in order to show consistency with a 'no first use' policy. The war should also have served to heighten the need to achieve a lasting peace between Israel and its Arab neighbours.
Although there remains a residual case for retention of minimal nuclear weapons inventories among the nuclear states, and although some states (Israel, Pakistan) face security threats which go to their very survival and thus make weapons of last resort worth acquiring, the vast majority of the world's nuclear weapons are militarily worthless, and should be destroyed. There should also be a comprehensive test ban treaty.
Considers prospects for a long-overdue revision of US policy towards Vietnam. The UN policy to resolve the Cambodian conflict is quixotic, and now that the USSR has withdrawn as a regional power, there exists a strategic vacuum which the USA can move to fill.
With the decline of the USSR, the US intelligence agencies are faced with the challenge of re-focusing their energies on a new strategic environment. In particular, they will need to adapt themselves to serve economic and industrial aspects of national security. A discussion of how this change of focus might be accomplished, and of concomitant organizational changes, including the creation of the new post of DNI (director of national intelligence).