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The European Union spent more than a half billion dollars to underwrite Congo's first nationwide election in 2006. That election was not perfect, but it led to economic and political progress. As the country goes to the polls today, however, those gains risk being squandered.
The connection among rising prices, hunger, and violent civic unrest seems intuitively logical. But there was more to Tunisia's food protests than the logic of the pocketbook. The psychological element -- a sense of injustice that arises between seeing food prices rise and pouring a Molotov cocktail -- is more important.
The idea of holding national leaders to account for waging wars of aggression has moral appeal and historical pedigree. But whether the International Criminal Court can try such cases is a thornier issue.
Washington’s approach to rebuilding economies devastated by conflicts and natural disasters is flawed. It assumes that strong economies cannot emerge in poor countries when it should be encouraging U.S.-style entrepreneurism and allow the U.S. military to help.
Rwandan troops have pulled out of eastern Congo. Will peace fill the vacuum they left behind, or is a new front in a long war on the horizon?
Although the war in Congo officially ended in 2003, two million people have died since. One of the reasons is that the international community's peacekeeping efforts there have not focused on the local grievances in eastern Congo, especially those over land, that are fueling much of the broader tensions. Until they do, the nation's security and that of the wider Great Lakes region will remain uncertain.
In her new book, Michela Wrong expertly describes the bloodthirsty reign of Zaire's Mobutu and condemns his collaborators in the West. The author may misapportion some of the blame for Congo's destruction, but there is plenty of guilt to go around.
Seven years after more than 500,000 Tutsi were massacred in Rwanda, the world still cannot explain why. Mahmood Mamdani's When Victims Become Killers is a rich history of Hutu and Tutsi identity, but how it applies to the genocide is unclear.
Alan J. Kuperman plays word games to rationalize the West's ignominious failure to halt genocide in Rwanda, writes Alison L. Des Forges. Kuperman responds.
Advocates of humanitarian intervention often claim that 5,000 U.N. troops alone could have staved off the Rwandan genocide in 1994. But a more realistic appraisal suggests that an intervention of any size would have required much more time and logistical planning than most proponents care to admit. Given the genocide's terrifying pace, even a major mission by the West could have saved only a fraction of the ultimate victims. Herewith a reassessment of the limits of intervention.
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