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Snapshot,
Victor Gaetan

The United States and Cuba could not have restored diplomatic ties without the Catholic Church. But the church could be the negotiations' biggest loser: many Catholics resent its intervention.

Postscript,
Michael J. Bustamante

The agreement reached between the Obama administration and the Cuban government is by any measure historic, necessary, and overdue. Yet as the diplomatic rubber hits the road and Cuba continues its precarious transition to a mixed economy, old disputes may take on new forms.

Essay, Jul/Aug 2013
Julia E. Sweig and Michael J. Bustamante

Cuba has entered a new era of economic reform that defies easy comparison to post-Communist transitions elsewhere. Washington should take the initiative and establish a new diplomatic and economic modus vivendi with Havana.

Snapshot,
Frank Calzon

In a recent article, R.M. Schneiderman suggested that U.S. pro-democracy programs were responsible for prolonging the sentence of Alan Gross, an American currently being held in a Cuban prison. But given the Cuban regime’s history of biting any hand extended in friendship, now is not the time to cancel the programs or to make any other concessions.

Snapshot,
R. M. Schneiderman

On the campaign trail in 2008, Obama often said that he wanted a new beginning with Cuba. Yet with the president set to begin his second term, the relationship between the two countries remains largely unchanged. The single biggest reason for the status quo, according to the White House, is the dispute about Alan Gross, a U.S. citizen serving out 15-year prison sentence in Havana.

Essay, Jan/Feb 2013
Robert Jervis

Halting Iran's progress toward a bomb will require the United States to make credible promises and credible threats simultaneously -- an exceedingly difficult trick to pull off. For coercive diplomacy to work, Washington may need to put more of its cards on the table.

Response, Nov/Dec 2012
James A. Nathan and Graham Allison

Graham Allison unduly credits Kennedy’s use of threats in resolving the Cuban missile crisis, argues James Nathan. Allison disagrees, pointing to the case of Iran, where only the prospect of an attack can convince the country to abandon its nuclear ambitions.

Comment, Jul/Aug 2012
Graham Allison

Fifty years ago, the Cuban missile crisis brought the world to the brink of nuclear disaster. Every president since John F. Kennedy has tried to learn from what happened back then. Today, it can help U.S. policymakers understand what to do -- and what not to do -- about Iran, North Korea, China, and presidential decision-making in general.

Letter From,
Richard E. Feinberg

The Sixth Summit of the Americas in Cartagena had an ambitious agenda, but Washington's inability to agree with the rest of Latin America on how to include Cuba left the high-level gathering largely a bust.

Snapshot,
Victor Gaetan

When Pope Benedict XVI visits Cuba next month, he will reinforce a strategy that the Vatican has allowed the local Catholic Church there to pursue for more than three decades: avoid confronting the Castro regime, collaborate with Havana to combat the U.S.-led embargo, and support the Cuban government’s incremental economic reforms. In exchange, the Church gets the space to rebuild its presence for the possible post-Castro economic boom times to come.

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