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Until recently, Asian countries' competing claims in the seas around China did not cause outright conflict. But now that drilling technology can tap gas and oil beds there, Asia capitals are stepping up their games.
Observers have insisted that the presidential election was not about cross-strait relations but about socio-economic issues. In fact, those two are inseparable. Taiwanese realize that good relations with China are necessary for their country's continued prosperity.
Should the United States maintain its commitment to Taiwan, or should it consider disengaging in order to accommodate China? Shyu-tu Lee and Douglas Paal both argue that alliance with Taipei remains in Washington's interest. Not so, writes Charles Glaser.
China's policy of aggression and coercion in the seas of the western Pacific long predates the high-profile incidents of recent weeks. If Washington hopes to counter Beijing's creeping power in the region, it will have to be firm and proactive in demonstrating its resolve.
China is about to deploy a new anti-ship missile -- a weapon that not only threatens U.S. naval operations in the Pacific Ocean, but may also lead to a scramble for military hardware and new alliances across the region. Is it time for the United States to think more seriously about a larger and more robust navy?
Does Taiwanese President Ma Ying-jeou's diplomatic strategy amount to a case of "Finlandization," as Taipei drifts out of Washington's sphere of influence and into Beijing's? Or is Taiwan simply pursuing détente, while remaining a strong U.S. ally and a beacon of democratic values?
An annotated Foreign Affairs syllabus on Taiwanese politics.
As Taipei drifts further into Beijing’s sphere of influence, the United States must decide whether to continue arming Taiwan as a bulwark against a rising China or step back to allow the Taiwanese people to determine their own future.
Although neither China nor Taiwan wants war, both pursue policies that raise the risk of bloodshed: the first by issuing vague warnings, the second by testing their limits. To stabilize the situation, the Bush administration should help broker a temporary agreement under which Taipei would put off independence and Beijing would stop threatening to attack.
George W. Bush was right to rebuke Taiwan's president over his plans for a referendum on relations with China. Administration critics assume that democracy and independence are inseparable, that the "one China" principle is no longer useful, and that China would never go to war over Taiwan. But they are wrong on all three counts and fail to appreciate the dangers that may lie ahead.
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