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The debate about what to do in Syria has been sidetracked by discussions of credibility and reputation. But both logic and evidence prove that reputations are mostly imaginary. Obama should not let fears that others might think him irresolute drive him to disaster. Instead, he should refocus on what U.S. interests really are in Syria, and how he can best obtain them.
Israeli intervention in Syria's civil war has remained very limited. In part, that is because of Israel's long history with the Assad regime, which has consistently maintained peace along the two countries' border. Ultimately, Israel has more confidence in President Bashar al-Assad than in any foreseeable successor.
Given that there are few appealing policy options for Syria, it might be tempting to downplay Assad's alleged use of chemical weapons and brush aside earlier rhetoric about red lines. But that would be a mistake: chemical weapons can kill thousands in a single day, their use becomes a national trauma, and their debilitating effects linger for decades.
The Obama administration is still looking for hard evidence that the Assad regime used chemical weapons in Syria. Although finding it is easier said than done, it is possible. The really important question is how the government will use evidence after it is collected.
Although chemical weapons are often considered weapons of mass destruction, they are not. In the case of sarin gas, many tons must be released under favorable conditions before it can inflict significantly more damage than conventional explosives. However repugnant Assad's use of chemical weapons in Syria might be, in other words, it should not change the United States' basic calculations.
Ahead of Iran's presidential election in June, President Ahmadinejad and Supreme Leader Khamenei are squabbling over the succession. Ahmadinejad wants Esfandiar Rahim Mashaei, his chief of staff, to run but Khamenei disapproves. Regardless of who wins, the real loser will be Iranian democracy.
Whoever replaces Palestinian Authority Prime Minister Salam Fayyad will have to commit to one of two strategies: winning domestic favor through confrontation with Israel or winning desperately needed Western support through cooperation. For years, the West Bank leadership has tried to straddle the two and, in turn, has born all the costs of both strategies while reaping none of the benefits.
Anti-Americanism might have ebbed momentarily thanks to U.S. withdrawal from Iraq and support for the Arab Spring. But hostility is once again mounting in the Arab world. In Amaney Jamal's new book, she tries to determine why.
The narcotics trade is ruining Afghanistan and spreading death and addiction around the world. Kabul needs a new approach to the problem -- and neighboring Iran happens to offer a great model.
If the 2011 intervention in Libya revived the responsibility to protect (R2P), the lack of intervention in Syria has seemed to bury it. But the doctrine was never meant as a panacea and could still work in future contexts, especially if decoupled from regime change.
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