Central Asia
- All
- Africa
- Americas
- Central America & Caribbean
- Antigua & Barbuda
- Antilles
- Bahamas
- Barbados
- Belize
- Bermuda
- Cayman Islands
- Costa Rica
- Cuba
- Dominica
- Dominican Republic
- El Salvador
- Grenada
- Guatemala
- Haiti
- Honduras
- Jamaica
- Montserrat
- Nicaragua
- Panama
- Puerto Rico
- St. Lucia
- St. Barts
- St. Kitts & Nevis
- St. Vincent
- Trinidad & Tobago
- Turks & Caicos
- Virgin Islands
- North America
- South America
- Central America & Caribbean
- Asia
- Europe
- Middle East
- Russia & FSU
- Global Commons
- Africa
- Americas
- Asia
- Europe
- Middle East
- Russia & FSU
- Global Commons
- previous-disabled
- Page 1of 2
- next
Managing Editor Jonathan Tepperman interviews author Alexander Cooley on the geopolitical role of Central Asia, and how outside powers--Russia, China, and the United States--are competing for influence in the region, as the British and Russian empires did a century ago.
The United States may have reset its Russia policy, but the U.S. approach to the other states in the region is in dire need of a conceptual revolution.
Over the years, both Russia and the United States have tried to court Kyrgyzstan. Did their strategic competition help push President Kurmanbek Bakiyev from office?
By lowering its sights and concentrating on order, the international community has helped to stabilize Tajikistan. The same cheap, simple approach could work in Afghanistan, too.
U.S. engagement with Afghanistan has brought all of Central Asia to a turning point, but flagging interest and uncoordinated policies risk undermining recent gains. To seize the opportunity for progress in a vital region, Washington should form a Greater Central Asia Partnership for Cooperation and Development.
The September 11 terrorist attacks and their aftermath have spurred a renewed U.S. interest in Central Asia. Despite official rhetoric, America is likely to remain militarily engaged there for some time. To manage this relationship effectively, Washington needs a better grasp on the realities of this complex and troubled region.
To wage its war in Afghanistan, the Bush administration needed Uzbekistan's help -- and promised a lot to get it. But Washington must not let this short-term marriage of convenience give Uzbekistan long-term regional hegemony. The Uzbek regime's authoritarianism fosters Islamic extremism, which in turn exacerbates tensions among Central Asia's unstable governments. Only a multilateral approach can handle the region's many problems.
The Caspian basin holds enormous oil and gas deposits that could play a critical role in the world's economic future. But getting them out of the ground and onto the market requires overcoming formidable political and geographic problems. For its own sake as well as the region's, Washington should do whatever is necessary to ensure the emergence of secure and independent routes for Caspian energy to reach the outside world.
An old political theory, "Eurasianism" is fast gaining converts in Russia's corridors of power. Its vision of a new Russian-Asian alliance could start World War III.
The next great oil boom is on: four former Soviet republics on the Caspian Sea are sitting atop an economic bonanza. But they should remember the fate of OPEC, whose members squandered their 1970s windfall. Where did all the money go? The state took on too dominant an economic role and wasted the wealth at home in a rash of boondoggle projects and military buildups. All OPEC members came down with "quick-money fever." They became addicted to supposedly limitless oil revenues even as boom turned to bust. The Caspian states, too, risk going from riches to rags if they do not resist the temptations of petromania.
- previous-disabled
- Page 1of 2
- next
