Media
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Snapshot,
September 27, 2009
Surrogate broadcasting was a central element of U.S. soft power in the Cold War. Today, it should take on a larger role in U.S. efforts to combat authoritarianism and extremism.
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Essay,
Jan/Feb
2009
The United States’ unique ability to capitalize on connectivity will make the twenty-first century an American century.
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Essay,
Jan/Feb
2009
The next U.S. foreign affairs agenda needs to be more imaginative in considering what the United States will value tomorrow.
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Essay,
Sep/Oct
2006
Fears of a "digital Pearl Harbor" -- a cyberattack against critical infrastructure -- have so preoccupied Western governments that they have neglected to recognize that terrorists actually use the Internet as a tool for organizing, recruiting, and fundraising. Their online activities offer a window onto their methods, ideas, and plans.
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Essay,
May/Jun
2006
A new survey of U.S. public opinion on foreign policy shows that the war in Iraq and terrorism are not the only problems on Americans' minds. Public concern over the United States' dependence on foreign oil may soon force policymakers to change course. And religious Americans are rethinking their support for many of Bush's policies, which has brought them closer in line with the rest of the public.
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Review Essay,
May/Jun
2006
In American Vertigo, Bernard-Henri Lévy updates Tocqueville and defends the United States against anti-Americanism, while in Überpower, Josef Joffe counsels Washington on how to maintain its primacy.
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Comment,
Jan/Feb
2006
Polls show that most young Russians hold ambivalent or even positive views of their country's worst dictator. Such attitudes stem not from defects in the Russian character, but from a massive failure in education. The West can help, and must do so fast.
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Comment,
Nov/Dec
2005
Foreign governments want control of the Internet transferred from an American NGO to an international institution. Washington has responded with a Monroe Doctrine for our times, setting the stage for further controversy.
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Essay,
Nov/Dec
2005
Public support for the war in Iraq has followed the same course as it did for the wars in Korea and Vietnam: broad enthusiasm at the outset with erosion of support as casualties mount. The experience of those past wars suggests that there is nothing President Bush can do to reverse this deterioration -- or to stave off an "Iraq syndrome" that could inhibit U.S. foreign policy for decades to come.
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