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The high turnout for the recent general election indicates that the Pakistani public is warming up to democracy. But participation is a double-edged sword: by virtue of having had its voice heard, the public now has heightened expectations of government performance. If Sharif fails to deliver, public disaffection could set in rather quickly and powerfully.
As recent protests indicate, Indians increasingly believe that their government is letting them down. New Delhi's faults -- criminalism, cronyism, and corruption -- are well known. Less understood is that these problems result from positive developments, that they will get worse before they get better, and that the solution is not less democracy, as some have suggested, but even more.
This week, the Pakistani government is set to dissolve the National Assembly and call for new elections. The outgoing administration made more progress toward institutionalizing democracy than many expected. Even so, the army is not ready to go quietly and is crafting its own plans for the country's future.
In its rush to fete Myanmar's president, Thein Sein, and capitalize on the country's tentative opening, the international community has turned a blind eye toward the ongoing repression of minorities and the continued political dominance of the military. In doing so, it has given up much of its leverage over Sein at the very time when it should be pushing for clearer commitments to reconciliation and democracy.
As Kenyans go to the polls, the race for the presidency between Ralia Odinga, the current prime minister, and Uhuru Kenyatta, the current deputy prime minister who was indicted by the ICC for war crimes, is too close to call. The contest will likely be drawn out and could be violent. Here's how the United States should respond to each possible outcome.
The protestors taking to Egypt's streets are overwhelmingly male, urban, and destitute. They do not have the time or patience to wait for the democratic process to fix their country and its flailing economy. In desperation, they might usher in a second revolution -- this one an uprising of the poor.
Late this month, India's Congress Party created a new post -- party vice president -- and then named Rahul Gandhi to it. The effort, led by party elite, was meant to shore up the status of this scion of the powerful Gandhi-Nehru clan and place him on the path to the prime ministership. In a maturing Indian democracy, though, such tricks may no longer work for Gandhi or for the party.
Recent reports have oversimplified the conflict in Mali, hinting that the country hosts a coherent Tuareg separatist bloc and a popular radical Islamist movement. In fact, mainstream Malians love neither. Most of them just want a return to democracy with broader participation and more freedoms -- the precise opposite of what they fear the separatists and Islamists would bring. As long as French assistance helps hold those groups off, it will be welcome.
The Hindu-nationalist leader Narendra Modi's recent election sparked a good deal of controversy. It also sparked an open and substantive debate about economics, liberalism, and social welfare in Gujarat and across all of India -- a rarity in developing democracies and a positive thing as India gears up for nationwide elections in 2014.
When Victor Hugo wrote the original Les Misérables, he aimed to reconcile France's Catholic and revolutionary traditions. But Tom Hooper's film adaptation of the musical version focuses on the redemptive power of religion, not of revolution, illustrating the modern world's pessimism about revolutionary change.
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