Courtesy Reuters

On the Eve of the Imperial Conference

THE world is confronted today with one of the most widespread and formidable revolutions in history. It is, in essence, the same revolution everywhere, even if it manifests itself in fiercely contending forms. Bolshevism, on the one hand, and Fascism or Nazism, on the other, may differ profoundly in certain respects, and are relentlessly at issue with each other along the whole line from Lisbon to Vladivostok. For all that, they are one in their essential features. Both are based on the repudiation of nineteenth century liberal individualism and on the unlimited exaltation of the state as against the citizen. They not only in fact suppress, but on principle deny, all that we in England and America mean by liberty. "To claim to reconcile the State and liberty is nonsense," said Lenin: and there are plenty of parallel passages that could be quoted from Mussolini and Hitler. Freedom of political organization, freedom of the press, freedom of speech, are ruthlessly stamped out in the interests of national unity and of the dominant political creed. The courts of law exist to enforce the political views of the governing party; the notion that they can or should be independent is regarded as an absurdity. Nor can we dismiss this revolution as a purely local phenomenon confined to the countries immediately affected by it. In both of its main manifestations it is unscrupulously aggressive, determined at all costs to spread its doctrines and aggrandize its power, whether as against its rival form or against the outside world. What is more, in both of its manifestations it enjoys the advantage of a degree of all-round organization for war such as the world has not known hitherto, and of a fanaticism only equalled by that of France in the Revolution or of Islam in its first career of conquest.

These developments menace the peace and freedom, not only of Europe, but of the whole world. Even the United States cannot afford to ignore them. Neither the

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