The Future of History
Can Liberal Democracy Survive the Decline of the Middle Class?
The Future of the Liberal World Order
Internationalism After America
The Future of American Power
Dominance and Decline in Perspective
Hegemony and After
Knowns and Unknowns in the Debate Over Decline
Can America Be Fixed?
The New Crisis of Democracy
In Defense of American Engagement
The Case for a Less Activist Foreign Policy
Why Iran Should Get the Bomb
Nuclear Balancing Would Mean Stability
Getting to Yes With Iran
The Challenges of Coercive Diplomacy
The Lost Logic of Deterrence
What the Strategy That Won the Cold War Can -- and Can't -- Do Now
The Cuban Missile Crisis at 50
Lessons for U.S. Foreign Policy Today
Is Helping Others Charity, or Duty, or Both?
God and Caesar in America
Why Mixing Religion and Politics Is Bad for Both
Something strange is going on in the world today. The global financial crisis that began in 2008 and the ongoing crisis of the euro are both products of the model of lightly regulated financial capitalism that emerged over the past three decades. Yet despite widespread anger at Wall Street bailouts, there has been no great upsurge of left-wing American populism in response. It is conceivable that the Occupy Wall Street movement will gain traction, but the most dynamic recent populist movement to date has been the right-wing Tea Party, whose main target is the regulatory state that seeks to protect ordinary people from financial speculators. Something similar is true in Europe as well, where the left is anemic and right-wing populist parties are on the move.
There are several reasons for this lack of left-wing mobilization, but chief among them is a failure in the realm of ideas. For the past generation, the ideological high ground on economic issues has been held by a libertarian right. The left has not been able to make a plausible case for an agenda other than a return to an unaffordable form of old-fashioned social democracy. This absence of a plausible progressive counternarrative is unhealthy, because competition is good for intellectual debate just as it is for economic activity. And serious intellectual debate is urgently needed, since the current form of globalized capitalism is eroding the middle-class social base on which liberal democracy rests.
THE DEMOCRATIC WAVE
Social forces and conditions do not simply “determine” ideologies, as Karl Marx once maintained, but ideas do not become powerful unless they speak to the concerns of large numbers of ordinary people. Liberal democracy is the default ideology around much of the world today in part because it responds to and is facilitated by certain socioeconomic structures. Changes in those structures may have ideological consequences, just as ideological changes may have socioeconomic consequences.
Almost all the powerful ideas that shaped human societies up until the past 300 years were
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