STUDENTS of contemporary Chinese history and politics are well aware that the late Dr. Sun Yat Sen is held in greater esteem in China today than any living statesman or any political philosopher of the past century. Adhesion to his theories has been proclaimed, not only by the Cantonese or "Nationalist" government, but also by the Northern war lords. In many localities, including the Capital at Nanking, every Monday morning services are held in his honor. Obeisance is made thrice to his picture. His parting message is read aloud.

This message or "will," as it is sometimes called, is frequently found painted in large characters on walls or billboards in Southern and Central China. It is not long. It stresses the "imperative" necessity for all his disciples to "do their utmost" to realize "The Three Principles for the People." This is a book by Dr. Sun containing a series of sixteen lectures. It has become a political bible for "Nationalist" China. It is a compulsory text book for every school controlled by the Nationalists. There is no question that its influence has been and is going to be enormous. It is said that quotations and paraphrases of its text occur in almost every political harangue delivered by members of the great Kuo Min Tang, the political society of "Nationalist" China. A recent slogan reads, "'The Three Principles for the People' are the principles for National salvation." Another reads, "To be against 'The Three Principles for the People' is to be a counter revolutionary."

Briefly, the "Three Principles" taught in this book are Nationalism, Democracy and Socialism. With the method of treating the two last we need not concern ourselves. But the first is of supreme importance to all who would understand China of today and gauge the trend of China of tomorrow.

Some of the lectures throw a flood of light on some of the causes for the intense anti-foreignism which prevails in China today. They also contain certain references to America which ought not to pass unnoticed. Above all they indicate what we may expect of New China.

In the first lecture Dr. Sun calls attention to the fact that the Chinese have not been accustomed to thinking in terms of a Chinese nation, but only in terms of the family and the clan. He says:[i] "This cohesion with reference to the Family and to Ancestors is very powerful, and they have always been ready to sacrifice even life itself in order to preserve the ancestral unity; as may be seen in the feuds between any two clans in Kuangtung. No matter how much of property or life is given up, they are never willing to cease fighting. This is because of their inordinate attachment to the Ancestral idea. This having entered deeply into their life, they have been able to uphold it to the point of sacrifice. With reference, however, to the nation, there has never been one instance of such sacrifice."

This appears to be an accurate analysis of the chief reason why it is so difficult to organize anywhere in China a government patterned on Western political ideals. It seems doubtful whether a people who have been for so many centuries unwilling to sacrifice anything for the public welfare and willing to sacrifice everything for the family welfare can be expected to change their racial psychology with sufficient rapidity to satisfy the demands of the modern world. In other words there appears to be little hope of a unified China such as our government is desirous of being able to recognize.

Lest the Chinese might feel equally pessimistic, Dr. Sun calls their attention in the middle of his first lecture to the rise of Japan. He says Japanese have never been conquered and that they have developed into the strongest nation in Asia because they have emphasized the principles of nationalism. "In order to make China strong we must take Japan as a model . . . whatever the white race can do, the Japanese can do also. . . . We see that now Japan has risen and as a united people enjoys the honor and prestige of a first-class power, the other peoples of Asia may also be lifted into the position of highly-exalted international relationships. Formerly we thought we could not accomplish the things that Europeans do, but now that Japan has been able to copy Europeans, we are also able to copy Japan. Now that we know we can become like Japan, we also know that we can become like Europe."

All this sounds reasonable and must have a strong appeal for the Chinese. It is not likely that they will take into account the intensely nationalistic character of Japanese racial history for several centuries past.

Again, in Lecture six the possibility of copying Japan is dwelt upon. "If we wake up like Japan and get back our national position, in ten years' time we can be free from the political, economic and numerical pressure of foreign countries, and from all sorts of evils. Japan has only needed a few tens of years to become one of the Great Powers, but our population is ten times as great, our territory thirty times as large, and our sources of wealth much greater. . . . If China can only copy Japan, it only needs our one country to become equal to ten powerful nations, and when that time comes we shall have recovered our original premier position."

In the third Lecture Dr. Sun says, "In my opinion, it is very evident that the idea of Chinese nationalism has vanished, not just recently, but has been lost now for several hundreds of years."

It is significant that the loss of this "valuable asset by which a country seeks to flourish and by which its people are preserved" is not attributed to racial characteristics. The chief reason for the loss "is because of conquest by a foreign people" and again "the chief reason for the extinction of nationalism amongst us is because we have been subdued by a foreign people." In this case it is the Manchus who are blamed. Although as a matter of fact the leading Manchu Emperors not only deified the Chinese heroes, but they also contributed in great measure to the conservation and study of Chinese culture, literature and art. Judea and India are also held up as countries where the principle of nationalism was lost because they were conquered by foreigners, and yet although the Jews have been without a country for two thousand years, their racial nationalist spirit still remains.

Of Russia, the faithful followers of Dr. Sun are taught as follows: "The Russians . . . have altered the character of their government, abandoning their old policy of military aggression, and adopting one of peaceableness. This new policy not only discards the barbaric method of encroachment on other lands, but it is pledged to the resistance of force in aid of the weak and the execution of justice, so that all nations have come to fear Russia. . . . Even now the nations are much more afraid of her than they were, because this policy of peaceableness has not only destroyed Imperialism in Russia, but will destroy it in every part of the world. More than this, it will destroy Capitalism."

It is significant that there is no reference to the doctrine of "world revolution" nor to the Soviet occupation of large parts of Mongolia. On the contrary Dr. Sun's disciples are told that, "The result of the revolution in Russia has been that the Slavs have determined to restrain the strong and aid the weak, to repress the wealthy and succor the poor, their sole aim being the upholding of justice and the destruction of inequality. This object having been made known all over Europe, the small and weak nations have welcomed it gladly, none more so than Turkey."

It will be news to many that "it is entirely owing to the help given by Russia" that Turkey "although not reckoned as one of the Great Powers is considered as a second or third class power in Europe." Furthermore it was Russia "who came forward in defense of inequality" and "helped Turkey to expel the Greeks and brought about a revision of all the unequal treaties." No wonder Madame Sun Yat Sen recently issued a manifesto reproving the Chinese Nationalists for dismissing the Russians and herself went to Moscow with Eugene Chen and other earnest Chinese communists.

It is significant that again in the fourth Lecture Russia is held up as the savior of mankind and the one hundred and fifty million Russians are quoted as intending to join with the weaker countries of Asia to resist the more powerful nations. Lenin is praised and the reason why the world powers opposed Lenin is stated to be their desire "to destroy the prophets and seers of mankind."

After holding up Russia as the friend of all weak nations Dr. Sun goes on to threaten China with an America of overwhelming magnitude. "When I compare the rate of increase of each nation with the numbers in China I am horror-stricken. Take for instance America which a century ago had only a population of nine million and now has one hundred million. In another hundred years, according to the present rate there will be a billion. . . . Many scholars consider that even if the Japanese or the white races conquered China, they would in the same way all be absorbed into the Chinese nation. This might be matter for consolation were it not for the fact that in a hundred years' time the American people will have increased to one billion, and they will be two and a half times more numerous than the Chinese."

Such a prophecy we know to be quite fantastic and consequently we smile at the thought that America would become so crowded that the American people, outnumbering the Chinese two and a half to one, would move into China as a conquering horde and obliterate the Chinese people and their culture. Yet that is precisely the doctrine taught in the first chapter of this new Chinese bible, and the more Dr. Sun Yat Sen is worshipped the more his words are likely to be accepted as gospel truth.

The conclusion of the first Lecture is that the "reason why other nations do not now take our territory is because they are fewer in number than we. But in a hundred years' time if our numbers do not increase . . . it will be a case of the larger number conquering the smaller and they will certainly appropriate China. When that occurs, China will not only have lost her sovereignty, but the Chinese will be absorbed by the other peoples, and will also have lost their nationality. Formerly the Mongols and Manchus conquered China, the small number subduing the larger, with the intention of causing the larger number of Chinese to be their slaves. If in the future the Great Powers conquer China, it will be a case of the larger number subduing the smaller but they will not make us slaves, because when that time arrives, we Chinese will not be in a position even to be slaves."

Here is indeed a dreadful picture, painted by the man now most revered of all by the Chinese. Thousands of those Chinese who cannot read this book for themselves have its precepts dinned into their ears by trained agitators and lecturers whose business it is to spread Kuo Min Tang doctrines and to inflame the populace against foreigners and foreign nations.

In the second Lecture Dr. Sun considers the suffering which has come to China from foreign domination and economic pressure which he fears will soon be disastrous to the Chinese race. He sets forth the astounding proposition that if the Chinese people continue to suffer from foreign domination and economic pressure "they may not even last ten years, therefore, these ten years will be a critical time for China." He even goes so far as to prophesy that if some method cannot be found of warding off this foreign domination and economic pressure China will not be able to survive, but will be destroyed.

This is a startling prophecy but "ordinary people are not easily made aware of economic pressure. For instance, China has already suffered from this at the hands of the Great Powers for several tens of years, but up to the present most people are not conscious that every part of China has become virtually a dependency or colony of the Great Powers. . . . The truth is that the economic pressure of the Great Powers has made China, not only a semi-dependency, but one that is in a much worse plight than if she were a real colony. Supposing we are the slaves of one nation only, if there happens any calamity such as flood, drought or fire, the ruling power will provide funds in order to relieve the distress. This will be done from a sense of obligation; as part of its duty. The people who are the slaves will also think it is the duty of the ruling power to succor them. But a few years ago, when there was a famine in North China, not one country considered it an obligation to do its best to provide funds for relief."

This is grossly misleading. No reference is made to the enormous sums which were raised in America and England for famine relief. Obviously those under whose influence Dr. Sun was writing during the latter part of his life did not propose to have any sparks of gratitude kept alive in the Chinese people.

As an example of economic pressure Dr. Sun goes on to call attention to the operation of foreign banks in China. He contrasts the lack of trust in the native banks with the faith put by the Chinese in foreign banks. He makes no reference to the fact that the native banks outside of foreign concessions are frequent victims of forced loans and financial extortion. He makes no reference to their lack of cash reserves and to the foreign banking laws which oblige foreign banks to maintain a system which assures for them the confidence of the depositors. Such statements would only tend to defeat the very object of the Lecture which is to arouse the Chinese against the foreigner by every possible means. He says that when the Chinese banks were first established in Kuangtung, "they issued paper money which was accepted everywhere; today that paper money is useless . . . Chinese notes in former times were not as valuable as foreign ones, but today, even Chinese silver is not as good as the paper money of the foreign banks. . . . Just now the number of foreign bank notes circulating in Kuangtung represents several millions of dollars, and the public generally are more willing to keep these than to keep Chinese silver. This applies also to the ports of Shanghai, Tientsin and Hankow. The reason for this is that we are suffering from economic pressure."

It is of course hardly necessary to point out that the notes of the foreign banks have adequate specie reserves back of them, while the notes of the Chinese banks do not; and furthermore the modern Chinese silver coins do not always contain the legal amount of silver, and, therefore, are as "small money" at a discount as compared with the foreign notes which are payable in full weight silver dollars, or "big money."

Dr. Sun goes on with an argument so astonishing as to lead to grave doubts as to its authorship. He says, "We all have the idea that foreigners have plenty of money, not realizing that they are giving us paper for our goods. They really have not much wealth, and a great deal of it has been given to them, as it were, by us. The money that foreigners use is simply a few millions of printed notes which we accept, and so they possess a few millions of dollars. For every dollar note printed by the foreign banks as currency they expend only a few copper cash; but these notes are given the value of one dollar, ten dollars or one hundred dollars. Thus the foreigners expend only a trifling amount to print notes that represent several millions of dollars, and they give us those in exchange for goods valued at several millions of silver dollars. Think, gentlemen, is not this a grievous loss? How is it that they can print so much paper money, whilst we cannot do the same? It is because we are suffering from the economical disabilities caused by foreign nations, and rely on them rather than on ourselves, therefore our own paper money is not accepted as currency." Was there ever a more specious argument? If it were not for the fact of this paragraph being in the compulsory text book of the Chinese Nationalist Party, required to be used in all the schools, the very basis of the Nationalist movement, it would scarcely deserve a moment's attention. But it forms part of the Chinese political bible.

I should like to call attention to some of the "statistics" whereby Dr. Sun endeavors to prove to his readers the enormous loss China is sustaining, thanks to her dealings with foreign banks and foreign traders. He says, "An examination of the Customs Returns shows that in 1921, the imports exceeded the exports by $500,000,000, an increase in the ten years of 150 percent. Calculating on this basis we shall find that ten years hence there will be a proportionate increase. Then the duty on imports will exceed the duty on exports by $1,250,000,000."

Dr. Sun sums up China's enormous losses as follows: "1. The invasion of foreign goods, despoiling us yearly to the extent of $500,000,000. 2. Foreign paper money coming into our markets; loss on exchange and circulation of funds, all of which rob us of about $100,000,000. 3. Additional freight rates which rob us of several tens of millions even up to $100,000,000. 4. Taxes, Ground-rents and Land Prices in Concessions and in ceded territory which deprive us of between $40,000 and $50,000 (sic). 5. Monopolies, $100,000,000. 6. Speculations and all other kinds of fleecing, which must be several tens of millions. These six methods of economic pressure cause us losses which cannot be less than $1,200,000,000. Unless there is a way of saving this waste, it will show a yearly increase. Unfortunately there is no principle by which it will lessen; therefore, China has already arrived at a state of impoverishment. If she is not saved, this economic pressure will result in the loss of the country and the extinction of the race. . . . Supposing we had not to render this great tribute, and each year had this fund of $1,200,000,000, what a lot of things we could do, what wonderful progress as a people we should make!"

It is certainly depressing to realize the importance given in China to a book containing such amazing mis-statements and false conclusions. No wonder the Chinese are endeavoring to drive out the foreigner. No wonder the essence of their teaching seems to be hatred and destruction. No wonder most of their political slogans which are printed by the hundred thousand and posted up on countless walls and billboards begin with the words "Down with."

Again in Lecture five these astonishing "statistics" are brought to bear to prove to the faithful member of the Kuo Min Tang and his followers, that if they do not drive out the foreigner their country will be destroyed and their descendants exterminated. Dr. Sun "proves" that the average adult male who has not reached decrepit old age is obliged to pay every year to the foreigners "a poll tax of $45 " and furthermore, " this sort of tax will go on increasing indefinitely. Therefore, in my opinion if the Chinese don't wake up, but continue the same, even if foreign politicians sleep all the day, in less than ten years China will be destroyed because even now the people are impoverished and wealth is exhausted. You may easily imagine what the poverty of the people will be in another ten years, when the contribution will have to be two and a half times as great. Don't you think China will be destroyed then?"

The argument by which this extraordinary conclusion is reached will amaze the intelligent reader and would not be worth repeating were it not for its place in this important treatise. Dr. Sun says: "China is robbed each year by foreigners of some 1,200,000,000 gold dollars, and the amount seized increases daily. If this discrepancy between imports and exports ten years ago was $200,000,000, today it is $500,000,000 which means that every ten years it is two and a half times as great. Reckoning according to this proportion, in ten years time we shall be robbed by foreigners each year of $3,000,000,000 gold dollars. If these $3,000,000,000 were divided amongst our 400,000,000 people each year each person would receive $7.50. Each year each one of us contributes to foreigners the sum of $7.50; in other words each year each one of us pays a poll-tax of $7.50 to foreigners. Moreover, of our 400,000,000 people, 200,000,000 are females, and judging by their present circumstances and ability it is very clear that females are not able to pay such a tax. This being so, the males have to take a double share, and every year each man must contribute $15. Males are divided into three classes, one of which comprises the old and weak and another the very young. Although both these classes are males, yet they are only consumers and not producers, so of course are not capable of contributing such an amount. Now coming back to each male having to pay a poll-tax of $15 two-thirds of them are not able to do so, and so the whole burden rests upon the middle aged producers who are males. These middle aged male workers must be responsible for the $15 that the old and young ought to pay, therefore each one of these workers must pay every year a poll-tax of $45. Just think of it, each one of our middle aged workers having to pay a poll-tax of $45 to foreign countries, isn't it dreadful!"

It would seem to be quite obvious that if you can make several million men of military age believe that by some hocus-pocus they are being heavily taxed by a foreign power you are likely to arouse their fighting spirit to fever heat. The claim that China is about to be robbed by foreigners each year of three billion gold dollars is so fantastic that if it should appear in any ordinary book, magazine or newspaper it could be laughed off. On the other hand, to find it calmly set forth in Dr. Sun's great "Three Principles" makes it worthy of most serious consideration, especially when the resulting figure of 45 gold dollars a year "poll-tax" which "each one of the workers must pay" is sufficient to buy his food for the entire year. In other words Dr. Sun proves to the worker that the foreigner is taxing him an amount which would provide him with all he needs to eat.

Again Dr. Sun sounds the alarm as follows: "But our nation today is in a very difficult position, and will certainly be destroyed in the future, on account of the simultaneous action of the three factors, increase of the populations of foreign nations, political domination and economic pressure. We already fully apprehend the disabilities owing to foreign domination and economic stress, but our own population being large, it is not easy to realize the evils we suffer because of the increase of foreign populations. We shall know very well in a hundred years' time. What a pity that a nation so large as ours has lost its idea of nationality. Because of this, foreign power and economic pressure will break us. As we have already suffered from foreign aggression and economic pressure, and will afterwards be weeded out by the process of natural selection, there is nothing for us but loss of country and the extinction of our race."

So long as a people believe that they are threatened not only with loss of country, but with virtual extinction it is not likely that they will submit tamely to the presence of foreign business men who, as their most revered leader tells them, are going to cause disaster. When one remembers that the chief spiritual idea of the Chinese people is the worship of ancestors, when one remembers that the chief aspiration of every Chinese is to have male descendants who will worship him and provide for his ghostly needs after he is gone, one can comprehend how calamitous, how terrible is the threat of racial extinction. Nothing could possibly arouse the Chinese more than to be told on good authority that in the course of the next few years, or at most in the course of the succeeding century, their progeny would cease to exist, and that there would be no grandchildren and great grandchildren to make them comfortable in the next world. Therefore, the linking together of foreign economic pressure and Chinese family extinction is the most clever device imaginable for arousing Chinese sentiment against the presence of foreign traders and the growth of foreign commerce.

In the fifth lecture the threat of racial extinction, unless nationalism is obtained, is again set forth. "If we do not really know that we need to regain our nationalism, then we are forever without hope, and before long the Chinese race will be exterminated." The critical situation of China is described and the attitude of the Great Powers is painted in dismal colors. "Any strong country in the world can destroy China. How is it then that China has been able to survive up to the present? The reason for China's survival up to today, is not because she has strength to resist but because the Great Powers in their desire to conquer China try to over-reach each other and none is willing to give way . . . . The Great Powers still wish to conquer China, but they consider that if they try to do it merely by military force, it may mean the beginning of a war like the Great European War of a few years ago, which will result in defeat and loss on all sides and no benefit to anyone."

Dr. Sun says that the object of the Washington Conference (where so much was actually done for China, of which no recognition whatever is made here), while ostensibly the limitation of armaments, was really to make an arrangement about "how to divide up China's rights and privileges without coming into collision with each other." He continues: "When the Washington Conference was held, China appointed delegates and the subjects discussed relating to China were manifestly for the benefit of China. But not long after the Conference, the newspapers of all countries reported a 'united control'; and this talk of united control become daily more common. The unanimous decision of all countries was to devise a satisfactory method of destroying China." It is evident that Dr. Sun did not propose to leave one stone unturned in his effort to destroy any lingering regard for America.

"Today the two strongest countries in the world are Britain and America, but they are not the only ones; there are several. These are called the Great Powers. Unfortunately the character and ideas of these Great Powers up to the present have not changed. It may be that in the future Britain or America will be able to destroy the other nations, and become an independent power. When that times comes, China may be conquered by Britain and the Chinese will become British subjects."

It is natural that under the influence of Bolsheviks Dr. Sun should have taken pains to draw a vivid picture of the Anglo-Saxon bogey. "Today the people that occupy most of the territory on the world's surface are the Saxons. This race originated in very early times in Europe, but they only occupy in Europe itself the three islands called Great Britain, namely, England, Scotland and Ireland." (It will be news to some readers to learn that Scotland is a separate island.) "The territories to which these Saxons have spread are North America in the west, Australia and New Zealand in the east, and Africa in the south, so we may say that those who occupy most of the world's territory are the Saxons. These Saxons are also the wealthiest and strongest people in the world."

"Before the European war, the nations of Europe suffered from the evils of Imperialism. Now what is Imperialism? It is the principle by which political power encroaches on other countries; what in China is called being ready to seize to any extent. This kind of policy of grab is called Imperialism, and every nation in Europe is infected with this idea to such an extent that there are constant wars."

"Amongst the 1,500,000,000 of the world's population, the strongest are the 400,000,000 white people of Europe and America. The white races consider these as basic material by which to absorb all the colored races. For instance, the red aborigines of America are already extinct, the black people of Africa will be destroyed very soon, and the brown races of India are just now in process of extermination." Now no educated person believes that the brown races of India, which number upwards of three hundred million are being "exterminated" by the British. One must remember, however, that there are probably four hundred million illiterate people in China who are likely to believe whatever is told them by persons whom they respect and for whom they have a high regard. They are being taught to revere Dr. Sun's "Three Principles" and when they hear the enthusiastic lecturers and agitators quote from it that "the yellow races of Asia are suffering from the oppression of the whites, and probably will soon disappear," it is certain to cause them to shudder, and eventually to seek for ways of avoiding this racial extermination.

Further reference to the danger of the Chinese being exterminated by the increasing populations of white races is made in Lecture five, where Dr. Sun says "according to our own history, the Chinese being numerous, the aborigines of China . . . were being exterminated by the increasing population of other peoples. This is easy to see; therefore China, suffering from the political oppression of the Great Powers, cannot be guaranteed even for one day. Economic pressure in ten years' time will also destroy us. Speaking of this question of population, China will very soon be in a very precarious condition so we see that the three great calamities of foreign domination, economic pressure, and encroachments of foreign populations are already upon us. Knowing this we must proclaim it in all quarters and tell everyone that we Chinese are already in such a position that we cannot escape the destruction of our own nation. When everybody has learnt this what ought we to do? The proverb says, 'When the beast is cornered it will fight.' When we are pressed to the point where there is no escape, we must rouse up and risk our lives to fight the enemy. When we arrive at that juncture, shall we be able to fight? Yes, certainly. But it will be only if we realize that our end is near, and death is certain. Therefore to advocate nationalism, our 400,000,000 must know that their end is near, and not only be cornered like the beast but fight as well. We who are about to die, shall we fight or not?"

The answer is obvious. The sad part of it all is that the teaching of this book is compulsory in all the schools in the Nationalist territory, not excepting mission schools. Under the present policy of the Nationalist Government all schools must be registered and must agree to have Kuo Min Tang doctrines taught in the school. It is necessary for us to bear in mind that the new generation in Southern and Central China is going to be saturated with this doctrine which is so sacred that to set oneself up in opposition to it is to be a "counter revolutionary" and subject to loss of life and property.

Besides advising the Chinese to fight, Dr. Sun urges strikes and the boycott and actually the complete severance of economic relations with foreigners. He says, "There are some things we cannot do, but what we can do is to refuse to work for foreigners and be their slaves, to refuse foreign goods and use native. We can decline to use the paper money of foreign banks and only use the money of the Chinese government; in a word, break off economic relations." The result of this doctrine has been very keenly felt in Canton where Dr. Sun had his headquarters for several years. Furthermore it is being felt all up and down the Yangtze Valley. It is true that many of the leading Chinese merchants and bankers do not subscribe to this doctrine at all, but with the constant spread of the Kuo Min Tang and the increasing use of "The Three Principles" the effect is bound to be felt more and more unless it could be successfully combated. It is the duty of the Kuo Min Tang to spread the gospel preached in this book. "The reason why up to the present we have suffered from foreign oppression is that most of us are ignorant of it, in fact drunk and dreaming. . . . There are two ways of resisting foreign countries, one is the Positive or Actual, by which the spirit of the people is roused to demand their rights and secure their social well-being in order to compete with foreign countries. The other is the Negative method which is passive resistance, by which the imperialism of foreign countries is lessened and the continuance of the nation assured." Needless to say both methods are taught by Dr. Sun.

Internal evidence points to the fact that the lectures in their present form were published in 1924, the year of Dr. Sun's death. One cannot help wondering whether the text of the "Three Principles" was not doctored by those Russians who were directing the councils of the Kuo Min Tang from 1924 to 1926. Be that as it may, the chief point at interest is not the character of Dr. Sun himself, or the nature of his knowledge, or the logic of his position, or the possibility of Russian authorship, but rather the fact that in this book we have the actual gospel that is being preached in China today. If the rising generation of Chinese become saturated with "The Three Principles" it will be many years before China can hope to be a useful member of the family of nations. The situation calls for far-sighted statesmanship and a campaign of enlightenment.

[i] The quotations appearing in this article are taken from the North China Herald, which has recently been printing an English translation of the more important parts of Dr. Sun's book. The first installment appeared in the issue of September 24, 1927.

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