IF WE take at face value the 30-year treaty of friendship, alliance and mutual aid concluded in Moscow on February 14, 1950, between the world's two greatest Communist Powers--the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China--Mao Tse-tung has scored a signal diplomatic victory. The treaty and the supplementary agreements seem in general advantageous to China, and the terms of the treaty do not prove that China under Communist rule is an obedient tool of the Kremlin.
Thus the Treaty's propaganda value is immense, and both the Soviet Union and Red China will exploit it. By renouncing their special rights in regard to the Chang-chun railways, Dairen and Port Arthur "after the conclusion of the peace treaty with Japan, not later, however, than 1952," the Russians seek to leave the impression that they had demanded these special privileges in 1945 because they were distrustful of the Kuomintang Government, and that had they not done so Chiang Kai-shek would have granted strategic bases in Manchuria to the United States. And the Chinese Communists can now tell their own countrymen and the world that Mao Tse-tung was more than right when he said that Communist China could "look for genuine friendly aid" only from the "anti-imperialist front headed by the U.S.S.R." They also are able to say with a show of justification that Soviet "internationalism" is not the same thing as Tsarist imperialism.
The world, however, is inclined to be incredulous. The picture of the Soviet Union in the rôle of a selfless donor in China is too good to be true, and few who are not brothers in the faith believe that the public announcement of these terms in Moscow is more than propaganda intended to mislead. The Treaty cannot be regarded as the whole story, or even the most important part of the understanding between Mao and the Soviets.
Whether the decisive aspects of the arrangement have been incorporated in secret protocols to the Moscow Treaty is not known at this
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