THE Czecho-Slovak Republic left by the Munich settlement of September 29, 1938, was destined from the start to be short-lived. At Munich one third of the country's territory and population was amputated and forty percent of its national wealth. Its frontiers were drawn without regard for economics and in a way to make it helpless strategically. It had a chance of becoming a viable state only if it received substantial financial assistance from the Western Powers and if its neighbors refrained from interference for a long period. The Western Powers promised financial help but gave little. Germany never for a moment made more than a pretense of keeping hands off.

After Munich, a new government was formed at Prague under the leadership of Rudolf Beran, the Germanophile head of the dominant Agrarian Party. In foreign policy the Beran government aimed at neutrality and coöperation with Berlin. At home it went a long way to meet most of the National Socialist demands. All anti-Nazi tendencies were suppressed and the Third Reich was given permission to build a highway, with extraterritorial privileges, through the heart of the country. Yet the more the Government of Czecho-Slovakia (after Munich this spelling replaced the old "Czechoslovakia") strove to accommodate itself to the new situation the clearer it became that Berlin intended to impose a more "integral" solution. Over a hundred German ultimata were delivered to the Foreign Minister in Prague in the space of a few months.

The Munich arrangement had left less than 400,000 German-speaking persons scattered among the solid mass of the new Czecho-Slovakia's nine million Slavs. It soon became clear that the German enclaves were entrusted with "a special mission" and also that the Nazis were seeking to break up the new federal union. The Vienna radio station incessantly broadcast anti-Czech propaganda inciting the Slovaks to secede, despite the fact that Slovakia's free status in the federal union met all the important demands of the Slovak autonomists. Prior to Munich, the Republic was a unified state with a National Assembly elected by proportional representation and universal suffrage. The President, chosen by the upper and lower chambers of Parliament in joint session, held office for seven years. The Cabinet was responsible to the legislature. The government of the day always depended upon a coalition of five to eight political parties and in the course of the country's twenty years of independence all the major parties had taken part in the government, including the representatives of the Slovaks and the German minority. Only the Communists and the German Nazis had been excluded. Each of the four provinces -- Bohemia, Moravia, Slovakia and Carpatho-Ukraine -- had its own governor and diet, partly elected and partly appointed, and each possessed limited administrative jurisdiction in provincial matters. On October 6, 1938 -- little more than a week after Munich -- the Slovaks decided to demand autonomy. Czecho-Slovakia was therefore reconstituted as a federal union of three Slavonic peoples -- the Czechs, the Slovaks and the Carpatho-Ukrainians. Each was to rule itself according to a new constitution of its own choosing. Only foreign policy, the army and a specified number of economic matters were to fall within federal jurisdiction.

The Reich sought at all costs, however, to prevent the consolidation of any sort of Czecho-Slovak state, and it became only a question of time before another "crisis" was manufactured. To prepare for it the Nazis endeavored to create the impression that Czecho-Slovakia was collapsing from within and that the German Government had been asked to protect the victims of Czech "brutalities" and of "plundering Hussite mobs." They naturally encouraged whatever centrifugal movements could be found in the new federal union, and where these were lacking tried to create them. For several years past the Nazis had been cultivating a small but vociferous group of Slovak separatists -- Durčanský, Mach, Murgaš and a few other "new men" hitherto little known to most of the Slovak people. These men, encouraged by the German minority and supported by the Reich, now began to agitate for a sovereign Slovakia, independent of the "second Republic." Obviously this secession would automatically bring about the fall of Czecho-Slovakia by cutting it into three parts.

The first attempt to proclaim the separation of Slovakia was made on March 10. It failed when the federal Government at Prague, with the coöperation of Vice-Premier Sidor (a Slovak, generally regarded as the heir to the patriotic tradition of Father Hlinka), deposed Dr. Tiso, the Catholic priest who was Premier of the Slovak province and who either had acquiesced in the separatist movement or had been too weak to resist it. The central Government replaced the Tiso Cabinet with a new one, likewise exclusively Slovak in composition. Finance Minister Teplansky, speaking for the new provincial government, declared that "whoever tries to separate Slovakia from the rest of the country commits high treason against his own people." Berlin was obviously displeased at the bloodless liquidation of what it had hoped would be a revolt. The Nazis ordered Tiso to visit Hitler. They also asked the President of the Republic to convoke the Slovak Provincial Parliament on Dr. Tiso's return from Germany, in order for it to take decisions concerning the future status of Slovakia. On March 14 the Provincial Parliament duly met at Bratislava in private and protracted session. After three polls the members voted for complete separation from the Czechs. They made the decision only after being told quite plainly that no other decision was acceptable to Germany, and that if they did not agree Germany would divide Slovakia with Hungary, who always had been eager to recover Slovak territory lost in 1918. When the news of Slovakia's secession reached Prague, an official farewell message was broadcast over the local station, saying that "the Czechs cherish no hatred or enmity towards their Slovak brothers and from the bottom of their hearts wish them happiness and economic prosperity in independence."

The creation of a separate Slovak state isolated the Ruthenians of Carpathian Ukraine (known under the old Republic as Sub-Carpathian Russia) from the Czechs; consequently the provincial government at Chust had no alternative but to proclaim its independence also. Never has a people declared itself "free" so reluctantly as did the half million Ruthenes of this tiny province. Only two days earlier its spokesman, Economics Minister Klocurak, had declared that "we are going to maintain unity within Czecho-Slovakia in close coöperation with our Czech and Slovak brothers." Now, in pathetic words, their government assured the world that "it wishes to live in peace and harmony with all its neighbors." Premier Volosin thanked the Czechs "for their twenty years of support which helped us to strengthen our national consciousness and cultural progress." The independence of this little state was as short-lived as almost any on record -- it lasted only 24 hours. At once Hungarian troops invaded its territory, putting the clock back twenty years, back to where it stood when the Carpatho-Ukrainians appealed to Masaryk to free them from the Magyar yoke and incorporate them in the newly-formed Republic of the Czechs and Slovaks. Today they belong to Hungary. They have been given a vague promise of local autonomy, but since other and more powerful minorities exist in Hungary without autonomous rights, it seems unlikely that the Carpatho-Ukrainians will secure any special privileged position.

There remained Bohemia and Moravia, the most thickly populated provinces of the old Republic, the most advanced culturally and economically, and the most firmly rooted in the democratic tradition. They accounted for 85-90 percent of its productive capacity. Especially in the production of steel and in heavy industry the Czech regions occupied a leading place in Europe. The Slovak and Carpatho-Russian provinces together had only 10 percent of the total bank deposits; their per capita taxes amounted to only 198 crowns, against 564 crowns in Bohemia and Moravia; and of their populations only 13 and 1.1 percent respectively were employed in industry.

Whatever hopes the Czechs might have clung to that they would be permitted to continue as an independent state, with even nominal independence like that of the new Slovakia, were dashed when the results of President Emil Hacha's "visit" to Berlin became known. Hacha -- 67 years old, a devout Roman Catholic, an expert on public law, and former head of the Administrative High Court -- had become President after the resignation of Dr. Beneš. President Hacha was summoned to meet Chancellor Hitler on March 14. Accompanied by his daughter and Foreign Minister Chvalkovsky, he was received "with the honors befitting a sovereign head of a state." The external honors having been duly rendered, he was put under terrific pressure during most of the night. Of course no public report was made of his five hours of nocturnal conversation with Hitler and his ministers and generals. But it is said that when President Hacha first heard of what was demanded of him he fainted and had to be revived by a doctor. During the conversations he fainted repeatedly. The decisive factor in compelling him to accept the extinction of the Republic over which he nominally presided was alleged to be the threat that otherwise at 5 A.M. German bombers would appear without warning over Prague and other large centers and kill large numbers of helpless civilians. At 4:30 in the morning on March 15 President Hacha signed the document creating "the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia" and placing "the destiny of the Czech people and lands trustfully in the hands of the Fuehrer." Already German motorized troops had crossed the frontiers near the town of Moravská Ostrava, and within a short time seven Reich army units were sweeping across Bohemia and Moravia. When Hacha arrived back in Prague, he was met by the new German military commander of the capital. Swiftly in the footsteps of the invading army followed the Gestapo, who rounded up all "undesirables" (whose names figured on lists previously prepared) and took over all local key positions. Later that same day Hitler arrived at Hradčany Castle, where the Czecho-Slovak flag had been replaced by the swastika. The following day, March 16, the decree creating the Protectorate was officially promulgated.

The thirteen paragraphs of the decree, together with the additional ordinances issued subsequently, determine the new status of Bohemia and Moravia. Though drawn up only 22 hours after the "agreement" between Hitler and Hacha at Berlin, its terms were such as a conqueror imposes upon a defeated enemy. It was a unilateral document, signed by Chancellor Hitler, Minister of the Interior Frick, Foreign Minister von Ribbentrop and Herr Lammers. It bore no Czech signatures.

The first paragraph declares that "The territories of the former Czecho-Slovak State occupied by the German troops in March 1939, belong henceforth to the territory of the Great German Reich, and enter under its protection as the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia." Although "the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia is autonomous and administers itself," a Reich Protector, appointed by Berlin, is the guardian of the Reich's interests, confirms the members of the Protectorate cabinet, can withdraw confirmation, can veto laws, decrees, administrative measures and legal judgments, can issue orders of his own. Under the terms of this decree the Reich may take over parts of the Protectorate administration and substitute Reich authorities. The Reich may also maintain garrisons and military establishments within the Protectorate. It directly supervises communications and transportation, postal, telegraph and telephone services; it establishes the value of its legal tender, etc. Further, the Protectorate comes within the jurisdiction of the Reich customs authorities. In return, Bohemia and Moravia are given the right to accredit one representative to the Reich Government with the official title of "Minister" (Gesandte). According to a later ordinance, issued on June 27, "the Protector can change this decree and thereby the nature of the autonomous status of the provinces whenever common interests warrant. . . . He can also issue whatever orders he thinks necessary if there exists a danger of procrastination."

The Reich Protector's office in Prague is a vast and complex apparatus with 16 divisions. He is assisted by 19 councillors placed in strategic positions throughout Bohemia and Moravia. His activity is supported (and at the same time controlled) by other Reich organs, including military attachés, the Schutzpolizei and the Gestapo. It was imagined at first that the Protector would act as adviser to the autonomous Czech Government and as a friendly coördinator between Prague and Berlin. But this was not the idea of Nazis, who bit by bit have relentlessly extended the scope of German control. The Protector became in practice the exclusive source of legislative and administrative power in the Protectorate. There is little if anything for the "autonomous" Government to do. True, the President has his own cabinet, properly cleansed, of course, of all relics of the "old spirit." But he has no voice in important matters; he is a mere helpless bystander. On the other hand, leaders of the old Sudeten Party have been given high offices and wide responsibilities: Konrad Henlein is head of the civil administration and his former aid, K. H. Frank, has been promoted to the rank of State Secretary and entrusted with the duties of chief of police for the Protectorate. Worse choices, from the point of view of preserving tolerable relations between the Czechs and Germans, can hardly be imagined.

Theoretically there are two parallel administrative systems: one for the "autonomous" Czech Government and one for the Protector. In practice, however, the Protector's jurisdiction is omnipotent. The autonomous administration cannot adopt any measure until it has been approved by the Protector's office. The civil administration, police and judiciary of the Reich are superimposed upon the Czech governmental structure, which lives a hand-to-mouth existence on the Protector's sufferance.

According to the decree setting up the Protectorate, "German inhabitants . . . become German nationals [Staatsangehörige] and, in accordance with the Reich Citizenship Law of September 15, 1935, Reich citizens [Reichsbürger]. The regulations for the protection of German blood and German honor therefore hold valid for them." All the German-speaking inhabitants of Bohemia and Moravia are thus under the jurisdiction of Reich laws, whereas the non-Germanic inhabitants are subjects of the Protectorate. Whenever a German is involved in a court action the case comes before one of the judges imported from the Reich. This is especially important in commercial and financial cases, since most business enterprises, particularly the larger ones, are taking on a mixed Czech-German character as a result of the enforced inclusion of German members on their boards of directors and managerial staffs. Moreover, the extension of German laws for the defense of the Reich to the entire territory of the Protectorate makes National Socialist legislation practically supreme. The régime of capitulations, now abolished in Africa and the Near East, has thus been introduced into the heart of Europe and imposed upon a people whose traditions of jurisprudence go back to the thirteenth century.

In municipal matters the Czechs do not fare better. Communal government has always been one of their particular prides, and since there is hardly a town with a German majority, municipal administration should by right have been left in Czech hands. Yet the government of cities such as Brno, Moravská Ostrava, Olomouc, Jihlava and České Budějovice has been placed under German officials, depriving over 400,000 citizens of a voice in the government of their municipalities.

The Protector's right to issue decrees as he sees fit makes it simple for him to colonize the Czech provinces and to Germanize their political and economic structure. And while it is not easy to convert a Czech democrat into a German National Socialist, the institutional pattern of Czech social and economic organization can be honeycombed with strategically placed cells from which Nazi pressure can spread under the protective hand of the German authorities. That is why the Germanic inhabitants were given a privileged position. Little concern is shown for the fact that Bohemia and Moravia do not need German colonization, since the density of the population there is appreciably greater per square kilometer than it is in the Reich. A professed Nazi aim is the creation of a great empire in Germany's Lebensraum. The subject peoples in this area are expected to rearrange their economic life and accept a new social status to facilitate their integration with German production and consumption. In particular the "feminine" Slavs are to be the toilers while the "masculine" Germans take care of the management. By including the Czechs and the Slovaks within the Reich the Nazis have taken a long step towards realizing this imperial dream.

A good example of how the Nazi domination actually works in the Protectorate is the manner in which the Jewish question has been handled. When the Czech Government, exercising its autonomous rights, refused to introduce the Nuremberg laws, the Protector's office took the matter into its own hands. According to its decree, a business corporation is classified as Jewish even if only one of its members is a Jew. Under this ruling, a third of the textile industry, for instance, became Jewish and subject to expropriation. In the Sudetenland, Jewish property has been transferred to Germans. The fear is that property in the Protectorate taken from Czechs who have fled to refuge abroad or from Jews will be given to Germans rather than to Czechs, for it is not the "autonomous" Czech Government but a Reich office which approves all such transfers.

The liquidation of Jewish holdings is, in fact, but a part of a much larger process whereby the bigger industrial concerns in the Protectorate, whether all-Czech or mixed, are one after another coming under partial or complete German control and are being integrated within the German four-year self-sufficiency plan. Previously, one third of all Czecho-Slovak products found ready markets in foreign countries, where the trade-mark "Made in Czechoslovakia" enjoyed high repute. Since the Reich now controls the allocation of all foreign exchange for the purchase of raw materials abroad, it possesses a powerful weapon with which to eliminate "undesirable" businesses in the Protectorate. The workers thus thrown out of work are transported to Germany in order to reduce the labor shortage there. Over 100,000 Czechs and Slovaks, including women, were taken there last June.

There are other instances of the deliberate policy by which the material basis of Czech national life is being undermined. One is the recently announced undoing of the land reform. According to a statement made by Konrad Henlein on July 9 at Saaz, 150,000 hectares of land will be taken from the present Czech owners and "restituted" to the former proprietors. Further, all lands and properties formerly belonging to the Czecho-Slovak state and used for national defense are being sequestered. German law stipulates that such objects become the property of the Reich without compensation, except in special cases.

Germany's appropriation of the Czech gold reserves must also be mentioned. By an "agreement" made on March 6, 1939, the Czecho-Slovak National Bank redeemed the currency then in circulation in the Sudetenland (already ceded to Germany) to the extent of 466 million crowns, or 40 million marks. In May the National Bank of Switzerland was "instructed" from Prague to hand over to the Reichsbank gold valued at 50 million Swiss francs, deposited by Czecho-Slovakia for the purpose of supporting credits which had been liquidated in February. The largest part of the Czecho-Slovak gold reserve, however, had been deposited by the Prague National Bank with the Bank for International Settlements at Basel. This money, amounting to £10 million, had been placed in turn by the B.I.S. partly in Basel (4 million) and partly in London (6 million). During May and June it was surrendered to Berlin. Thus, out of the total amount of Prague's reserves (80,915,000 gold dollars) Germany received by these transfers the equivalent of $75,552,000, or 189 million marks -- enough to cover her trade deficit, at its present rate, for five or six months.

The cultural life of the Czechs, a spontaneous and vigorous growth, has suffered eclipse along with their political and economic rights. Over 2,000 of their periodicals have had to suspend publication. There are at present some 35,000 jobless intellectuals. Czech newspapers may reproduce almost nothing but the official news from Berlin. And not only have the Czechs lost their freedom of press, speech and assembly but also their freedom of movement. The Protectorate is a vast beleaguered fortress which no one can enter or leave without the permission of the Gestapo.

The position of Slovakia differs from that of Bohemia and Moravia in that it does not form an integral part of the Reich, but retains nominal independence. On March 15 Prime Minister Tiso asked Chancellor Hitler to "assume the protection of the Slovak state." The request was granted in a brief telegram the following day. On March 18 a treaty, valid for 25 years, was negotiated at Vienna between the Nazi and Slovak Governments in which the latter received German "protection" and in exchange undertook "always to conduct its foreign policy in close understanding with the German Government." The Slovaks also gave the German armed forces "the right at all times to erect military plants within a zone lying west of the borders of the Slovak State and east of the general eastern ridge of the Little Carpathians, the eastern ridge of the White Carpathians and the eastern ridge of the Javornitz Mountains and to maintain them at a strength deemed necessary. . . ." On August 18 the area open for German military purposes was expanded by a supplementary treaty to cover the whole length of the Slovak-Polish border. During the night of August 28 the German army took complete possession of the whole of Slovakia, introduced Nazi martial law and thereby ended all pretext of Slovak independence. Consequently, the Tiso government was reduced to the status of a rubber stamp for the Reich.

As in the Protectorate, the German minority in Slovakia, numbering around 128,000, constitutes a vanguard for National Socialism in its march south and east. Karmasin, their Fuehrer, described their mission in a speech made at Bratislava in July: "We have declared that we are National Socialists and we must therefore follow the orders of Adolf Hitler and not ask why. It is our duty to respond to his call. He gave us the order to stay where we are and to preserve the German character of this land for all future time. It is our duty to be where he placed us and to march where he orders us to go."

A new Slovak constitution was adopted in July 1939. This document describes the country as a Christian National Republic and it permits the existence of only one party. This party, composed chiefly of the followers of the late Father Hlinka, is actually controlled by the former separatists. It has the character of a chartered corporation and is the instrument through which "the Slovak people participate in the government." Every citizen must belong to one of the five "corporations" (agriculture, industry, finance, liberal professions and public service) which have been organized along Fascist lines. The State Council replaces the Senate and is composed of the following: the representatives of the corporations, the delegates of the Hlinka People's Party and of nationality groups, the members of the Cabinet, and the delegates sent by Parliament. Through the different committees of the party the Government is able to exercise absolute control over political, economic and cultural life. The President of Slovakia is elected by Parliament for seven years and his powers resemble those of the head of an authoritarian state.

Slovakia is not a rich country. Of its 2,656,000 inhabitants, 56 percent are engaged in agriculture and forestry. Two thirds of its first budget cannot be met from regular taxes and there is a shortage of domestic capital for new investments. In the past, deficits in Slovakia could be met by drawing on the wealthier Czech provinces: in one form or another the Republic poured something like 17,000,000,000 crowns into Slovakia during its twenty years of existence. At present the only country to which the Slovaks can turn is Germany, thus giving the Nazis an added hold on them. The Slovak has an adaptive mind, an eye for the picturesque; probably he comes nearest to the old and genuine Slav type. He is industrious, but his soul is perpetually in revolt and he will not accept regimentation for long. Behind him lie ten centuries of oppression by the Magyars, twenty years of national growth within the Czecho-Slovak Republic, and only a few months of "independent" statehood under the most unfavorable of circumstances. We have not heard the last of him.

In the years following the World War the world was flooded with revisionist propaganda condemning the organization of Central and Eastern Europe as contrary to Wilson s principle of self-determination. At Munich the Nazis stated that they wanted to apply that principle to the Germans of Czecho-Slovakia and that they had no desire to absorb any non-Germans into the Reich. Let us see how the revisionists applied these principles once they were given a free hand. Czecho-Slovakia was arbitrarily dissected into seven parts, each of which was placed under alien rule. When Germany annexed the Sudetenland, she acquired, along with the German population, over 800,000 Czechs. The Vienna arbitral "award" by the Italian and the German Foreign Ministers on November 2, 1938, gave Hungary 272,000 Slovaks. Later Hungary took 102,000 more. When, in early October, Poland marched into the Teschen area in order to "liberate" 77,000 Poles, she also took 123,000 Czechs. On March 15, 1939, Germany forced her protectorate upon more than seven million Czechs, while Hungary absorbed over a half million Carpatho-Ukrainians. Hungary thereby became a country in which 22 percent of the population consists of non-Magyar minorities. In other words, the "liberation" of three and a half million non-Slavs from democratic, liberal Czecho-Slovakia resulted in the subjection of three times as many Slavs to the totalitarianism of the Third Reich or to the feudalism of the Magyar magnates. Neither of these "successor states" recognizes any obligation to protect its minorities. The National Socialist theory of nationalism evidently applies only to Germans.

The gulf dividing the German and Czech peoples is more than a difference in race. Their outlooks on life are diametrically opposed. The Czechs do not understand the Nazi spirit, and they dislike what they do understand; there is no reason to believe that they can be forced by intimidation to grasp it or like it. They think in terms of individual freedom and a bill of rights. They refuse to be looked upon as mere objects occupying space. They resent being constantly told that the space which they have been occupying since the seventh century is not theirs. They regard themselves as a nation with all the attributes of a nation. When President Hacha last spring asked them to join the movement of National Union without distinction of faith, occupation or previous party allegiance they supplied the fitting answer to those who doubted their solidarity -- 99.25 percent of all Czechs over twenty years of age became members. Attempts are being made to break up the Union by disintegrating it from within. The Nazis have been flirting with the small group of Czech anti-Semite Fascists. However, early this summer even General Gajda with his National Fascist Community entered the National Union and refused to work with these extremists.

The chief task of National Union, the chairman of which is named by the President, is to educate the masses to an understanding of their country's present situation, to preserve the spirit of nationalism, and to deepen the sense of solidarity among the different social classes. It opposes socialism and favors a corporative organization of society. Economic and cultural activities are divided among twelve committees. If it can hold together, it will constitute the most powerful bulwark against the disruptive forces set in motion by the Nazis.

On the whole the Czech people take a broad view of history. They have themselves suffered long periods of subjection, as well as periods of freedom and prosperity. They know that in politics nothing is eternal. They have watched empires rise and fall; they have seen conquerors come and go; they know that what has been done can be undone. Friends of a former day may become friends again. Enemies may weaken. In the meantime they are taking whatever steps are possible to preserve their national identity.

Sympathy has come to them from many directions. The Soviet Union refused to recognize the annexation of Bohemia and Moravia. In Washington, the Under Secretary of State spoke of Czecho-Slovakia's "temporary loss of independence" and described Germany's invasion as an act of "wanton lawlessness." On March 30 the French Chamber of Deputies in plenary session unanimously passed a resolution in which "remembering the noble and courageous protest of the diet of Bohemia against the annexation of Alsace and Lorraine, it salutes in pain and respect the Czech people, the victims of resurrected imperialism and of violence, and extends to them the expression of its sympathy. The people of Bohemia and Moravia will not perish. Injustice and violence do not last forever." Even Neville Chamberlain declared at Birmingham that his heart went out "in sympathy to the proud and brave people who have so suddenly been subjected to this invasion, whose liberties are curtailed, whose national independence has gone."

The diplomatic representatives of Czecho-Slovakia in the United States, Great Britain, France, Poland, the Soviet Union, Canada, Ireland, Egypt, Palestine, as well as in many other parts of the world, have refused to surrender their legations on the German demand. They maintain that the Czecho-Slovak Republic has not legally ceased to live. They claim the right and duty to continue to represent its moral and legal identity. The Government of the United States has not denied that right to the Czecho-Slovak Minister in Washington. And other great Powers have taken the same stand. Simultaneously with the announcement of the position adopted by the Czecho-Slovak diplomatic corps, and encouraged by the steadfastness of Dr. Beneš, the chief organizations of Czechs living abroad, and with them many Slovaks and Carpatho-Ukrainians, have organized themselves into national councils and now are once again engaged in the struggle, the second within a generation, to free their country from a foreign yoke.

The watchword of the Czechs in Bohemia and Moravia is to remain faithful to their national tradition, not to waste energy in futile dissensions, to stand firmly by whatever minimum rights are left to them, and to be prepared for any emergency. They are not unaware of the gravity of their situation. The Nazis will grind down and depopulate and exile and expropriate as the Hapsburgs never dreamed of doing. For the moment the Czechs and Slovaks cannot count on more than academic sympathy from abroad. Yet the world cannot forever be deaf to their cause. Until they are free again Europe will not know real peace. Meantime, while awaiting the new hour of national freedom, the Czech people takes solace in its centuries-old tradition of democratic self-discipline and finds protection in the imperviousness of its national spirit to foreign doctrines.

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  • JOSEF HANČ, for many years a member of the Czecho-Slovak diplomatic service, recently as consul in New York; now Lecturer at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy
  • More By Josef Hanč