In “What the Uproar Over Congo’s Elections Misses”(March 1, 2017), I argue that Congo’s violence has many causes beyond the country’s political crisis, so it is misguided to focus on elections as the main solution to Congo’s troubles. Local actors and bottom-up peacebuilding can also help stop the fighting. Jason Stearns, Koen Vlassenroot, Kasper Hoffmann, and Tatiana Carayannis reject this argument and suggest instead that only elections and top-down institutional reforms can solve Congo’s problems (“Congo’s Inescapable State,” March 16, 2017). Because global, regional, and national tensions drive the ongoing violence, they argue, local, bottom-up conflict resolution is largely unnecessary.
There are many mischaracterizations of my analysis in Stearns, Vlassenroot, Hoffman, and Carayannis’ response. I do not argue, for example, that local peacebuilding is the only solution to Congo’s problems, that grassroots conflicts are the primary causes of violence there, or that local issues in the country can be entirely extricated from broader trends, such as the dereliction of the Congolese state. As I explained and as I have argued elsewhere, local, provincial, national, regional, and international issues combine to produce conflicts over power, land, economic resources, and social standing, fueling violence in the eastern provinces.
The problem with Stearns, Vlassenroot, Hoffman, and Carayannis’ proposal is that elections cannot guarantee institution building. What's more, ending the power struggle in the capital is unlikely to automatically address the “poverty, unemployment, corruption, criminality, and poor access to land, justice, and education” that I argue are at the root of Congo’s problems. Indeed, my respondents’ argument hinges on two problematic assumptions: first, that local tensions mirror national and regional ones, and second, that peace achieved on the national or international level tends to trickle down to the local sphere.
In fact, a number of scholars, such as the political scientist Stathis Kalyvas and the development economist Patricia Justino, have demonstrated that local and subnational conflicts are often distinct from violence in Timor-Leste is due as much to payback traditions, disputes over land, and family antagonisms as to rivalries between national political elites, ethnic tensions, and conflict with Indonesia.) What is more, establishing peace at the national level does not necessarily end local violence. Only a combination of bottom-up and top-down efforts can build peace. Bottom-up approaches have even contributed to prosperity, stability, and stronger state institutions in parts of Afghanistan, Iraq, and Somalia.
Loading, please wait...